Certainty: 0 Death of Bernard, bishop of Sidon; Amalric chosen in his place. Bernard, bishop of Sidon, died around the time of the siege of Askalon. Amalric, abbot of the regular canons of the Premonstratensian order in the monastery of St Habakkuk, or St Joseph of Arimatheia, was chosen to take his place. Since during the siege of Askalon nobody was allowed to go far from the besieged town, Amalric is said to have been consecrated as bishop in the church at Lydda
Certainty: 3 Bureaucratic implementation of the chrysobull for Christodoulos over Patmos. The details of the chysobull of Alexios I were registered in the sekreta of the oikeiaka (signed by nine persons), of the genikon logothesion (signed by ten), the stratiotikon logothesion (signed by six) and the basilike sakelle (signed by six). Two signatures were made by fathers on behalf of their sons
Certainty: 2 Ioannes II arrived unannounced at Tell Bashir. Ioannes II (with Manuel his son) moved at great speed through Isauria and Cilicia, and arrived at Tell Bashir and demanded hostages, to the great astonishment of Joscelin II, who could not resist the huge army. Ioannes wanted to make Joscelin more subservient, and so took with him one of the count's daughters, Isabella
Certainty: 2 Queen Melisende founded & richly endowed a convent for nuns at Bethany . Queen Melisende, as the kingdom of Jerusalem was peaceful, founded a female monastery for the salvation of the souls of her whole family. After exchanging land with the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, she built the convent at Bethany. It was fortified, provided with rich lands, precious vessels and fabrics, and an elderly and pious lady as superior. Melisende's foundation was in part motivated by a desire to help her sister Iveta, who had a subordinate position in the convent of St Anne. When the elderly superior soon died, Melisende saw her chance, and chose Iveta to replace her. At the same time she added to the rich endowments, as she would continue to do for the rest of her life
Certainty: 2 Later epitaph for Ioannes II recording the succession of Manuel I. An epitaph was written by Theodoros Prodromos after Manuel I was securely on the throne. Manuel is recorded as Ioannes' choice for the throne, and as having shown a son's reverence for his father's remains, natural in one who shared so many of his father's virtues
Certainty: 2 Manuel I was conciliatory both to Isaakios (his uncle) & Isaakios (his brother). Isaakios Komnenos, the brother of Ioannes II and Manuel's uncle, had earlier been exiled for plotting to gain the throne, and had now been imprisoned by Manuel's agents for still planning revolution. When Manuel reached the capital, he recalled and pardoned him, asking his forgiveness, The other Isaakios, Manuel's brother, was summoned from imprisonment in the Pantokrator and embraced in a brotherly way. Against all expectations, despite his unpredictable and irascible temper, he was reconciled to Manuel and they pledged fraternal good will. Manuel gave a donative to the army and dismissed it, and also offered two gold pieces to every household in the capital
Certainty: 2 Manuel I appointed Michael Kourkouas as patriarch, & was crowned by him. Manuel consulted widely among the imperial family, the senate and the high clergy on the choice of a new patriarch to replace the deceased Leon Stypes. Though there were many good candidates, the almost unanimous first choice for virtue and religious education was Michael Kourkouas from the monastery of Oxeia. When Michael was hesitant in accepting the charge, the Theotokos showed a physical sign of approval by moving her robe. As soon as he was installed, Michael crowned Manuel, anointing his own anointer. Manuel gave the clergy a kentenarion as a donative and offered two kentenaria per year as "second money". The mystic marriage of the patriarch with the church was celebrated by Michael Italikos with an encomium in the form of an epithalamion. There followed many ceremonies, bringing much joy and benefit to the empire
Certainty: 2 Michael Italikos pronounced a basilikos logos for the newly-installed Manuel I. On the accession of Manuel I, he received a basilikos logos from Michael Italikos. He hailed Manuel as a young renewer of the old empire of Byzantium, brilliant and hard to praise. His birth was impeccably imperial, taking place at the moment of Ioannes II's accession, a presage of his own. At the age of twelve, he continued, Manuel had seen a vision of the Theotokos predicting he would be emperor, and other omens. He was trained as a general by Ioannes II in all his campaigns, especially at Neokaisareia, where Manuel had rallied the whole army. The climax of the speech was the narration of the three terrible deaths (Alexios the co-emperor, Andronikos the sebastokrator, Ioannes II himself), which led to the accession of Manuel, then his proclamation in Cilicia and his return with the army to allay the panic which had set in in the capital. He arrived there as a veritable image of God himself
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the patriarch Michael on behalf of a flattering supporter of his. By the pen of Ioannes Tzetzes, a flattering supporter of the patriarch Michael Oxeites wrote to him. He began with extreme praise for his generosity and ended with a personal demand for a patriarchal blessing every day of his life
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes tried to find employment for his protegé the priest Leon. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote two letters, trying to get a job at Xeros, near Apros (Thrace), for Leon the priest, brother of a good friend of his. He claimed that Alexios, nephew of the protovestiarios, who was working as a tax collector in the area, had promised him a position, and he sent Leon (with the letter) to fill it. The second recommendation reported rumours that Alexios liked employing priests local to the area. He should therefore choose Leon, either for that reason or out of affection for Tzetzes
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes tried again to have the teacher Stephanos return a tetradion to him. Tzetzes was waiting for a teacher named Stephanos to return a tetradion to him. At first he had been silent for months, but then was promised a swift return. But again weeks had passed in inaction, and he now raised the issue again, calling for an honest reply
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes demanded a letter from his friend Theodosios Autoreianos. Theodosios Autoreianos had left the capital long before, but had sent no letters to Tzetzes, who thought he was a good friend. Tzetzes censured him, demanding that he write at once, and sent good wishes from all those with him
Certainty: 1 Tzetes unwillingly wrote a letter in high Attic for a friend. A friend of Tzetzes asked him to write for him an application in high Attic. Tzetzes attacked this genre of writing, as being for those with nothing better to do; but out of friendship he wrote a text to which his friend could add content in an introduction
Certainty: 2 Roger II again asked for a Byzantine bride for his son, bribed the Byzantine ambassador, but failed. Roger II had earlier asked Ioannes II for a Byzantine bride for one of his sons, but Ioannes' death had intervened. He now repeated the request to Manuel I, and Manuel sent Basileios Xeros as an envoy to discuss the question. Roger bribed Xeros to make concessions, inclusing framing a proposed pact in a form that gave equal status to the two rulers. This apparent success was turned to failure when Manuel ignored the pact. Xeros died on the way home to Constantinople before he could be punished. Roger built a fleet to exact revenge
Certainty: 2 King Fulk died on an excursion near Acre, when he carelessly chased a hare which had been started. When Fulk and Melisende were staying in Acre, the latter desired one day to go on an excursion to a place where there were spring, to break the boredom. Fulk accompanied her, but the company started a hare, and he began to chase it. He rode carelessly, was thrown from his horse and mortally injured. His attendants rushed to his aid, but found him unconscious. Melisende lamented loudly and bitterly for her husband. He was carried to Jerusalem, where he died some three days later, having not regained consciousness after his fall. He was buried by William the patriarch in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, among the other kings. The funeral was an impressive and well-attended ceremony. Fulk left two under-age sons, Baldwin III (thirteen) and Amalric (I) (seven), under the guidance of Melisende
Certainty: 2 Foundation of monastery of Nea Mone Areias by bishop Leon of Nauplion & Argos. Leon, bishop of Nauplion and Argos built the monastery of Nea Mone (Areias) during the reign of Manuel I and the patriarchate of Nikolaos IV Mouzalon [there survive a memorandum of foundation (1143), an undated typikon and an inscription on the building (1149); the Kleinchroniken entry is confused]
Certainty: 3 Accession of Baldwin III, who reigned together with his mother Melisende. Baldwin III succeeded to the kingdom, after the death of Fulk, as a boy of thirteen, reigning together with his mother Melisende. He had one brother Amalric, who was seven (and would rule after him, as he died childless); Baldwin reigned for twenty years. He was anointed, consecrated and crowned by William the patriarch in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre on Christmas day, in the presence of all the barons and bishops of the kingdom. His mother Melisende was crowned with him
Certainty: 0 Toros of Armenia escaped from Constantinople & returned to Cilicia. Toros II had been in prison in Constantinople, after being captured by Ioannes II. At a date which it is hard to determine, he escaped back to Cilicia and attempted to raise a revolt
Certainty: 0 Murhaf, son of Usama, invited to visit the west. Usama made friends with a Frankish knight of Fulk of Jerusalem, who had made his pilgrimage to the Holy Land and was now returning to his western home. His friend offered to take Usama's son Murhaf with him to further his knightly education. Usama had to find a polite excuse to avoid sending him
Certainty: 1 Eirene the sebastokratorissa imprisoned in the Great Palace. In the first phase of the first round of imprisonment, she was held as a prisoner in the Great Palace where she had flourished as the wife of the sebastokrator Andronikos [this phase may have been brief, as it is not mentioned in all the lists of her troubles]
Certainty: 1 The preacher Niphon was punished for heresy. He was a man with little secular education, but great knowledge of religion. He taught widely, but his teaching was heretical in the eyes of the patriarch Michael II Kourkouas, who had him condemned by a synodal decision. He had his beard shaven and was fettered at the ankles and imprisoned. However, when Michael was no longer patriarch, Niphon began to recover his position
Certainty: 1 Eirene the sebastokratorissa transferred to detention on the island of Prinkipo. From the Great Palace the place of imprisonment for Eirene the sebastokratorissa became the island of Prinkipo, like a ship at sea
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes lamented the absence from the capital of Alexios, nephew of the protovestiarios. Alexios, nephew of the protovestiarios, was living away from the capital. Tzetzes wrote that he was missing him badly, because his absence not only deprived him of a good friend, but also of the delights of an estate at Bathys Ryax, the Acheiropoietos monastery, and travel by mule. He wanted Alexios to return
Certainty: 2 Baldwin III recovered the Valley of Moses fortress. In the first year of his reign Baldwin III heard that the Valley of Moses fortress in far Transjordan had been captured by Turks. Despite his youth, he levied troops, crossed the valley of the Dead Sea, and climbed to reach the castle, into which the whole population had withdrawn. The place was attacked, but proved very strong. Despairing of storming the fortress, Baldwin and his advisors saw that the area was full of olive trees, and began to destroy them. The locals despaired, and made terms: the Turks they called in should be allowed depart safely, and they themselves should not suffer death for their revolt. Thus Baldwin's first campaign was successful
Certainty: 2 A successful expedition was sent under 4 generals to take revenge on Raymond of Antioch. Manuel I decided to take revenge on Raymond of Poitiers, prince of Antioch, for the indignities suffered by Ioannes II in his expeditions to Syria. The force he sent had four generals: three led the land army, Andronikos and Ioannes Kontostephanos, together with Prosouch. On land, they soon recovered lost Byzantine fortresses and advanced to Antioch, where Raymond was was surprised while scouting, defeated and pursued back to his gates. The Byzantine army then withdrew. By sea, Demetrios Branas plundered the coast, causing great destruction, burning ships and taking captives, including a financial official. Branas put to sea before Raymond arrived, and after a final destructive raid they withdrew to Cyprus
Certainty: 2 Usama arrived in Cairo.
Certainty: 2 'Imad al-Din Zanki besieged & captured Edessa. 'Imad al-Din Zanki decided to attack Edessa. He gathered a huge army, and was also able to exploit a quarrel between Raymond of Antioch and count Joscelin of Edessa, which had reached open enmity, and made both less active than they should have been in Edessa's defence. Joscelin had also shifted his residence from the old capital of the county to Tell Beshir. The defenders of Edessa were Armenians and Syrians, with few Latins, protected by strong walls and ill-paid mercenaries. Zanki was able to gather his forces and surround Edessa with little interference, and mounted an effective siege, so that the inhabitants began to starve. News of the impending disaster spread everywhere among Christians. At Jerusalem, queen Melisende called a meeting of her council, and a strong force was sent to help, under the command of Manasses the royal constable, Philip of Nablus and Elinandus of Tiberias. Zanki's men were encouraged in assaulting the massive walls by the fact that there was little real defence. He was particularly successful in mining a large length of wall, which collapsed, leaving a huge breach. Zanki's men burst in and began a general massacre, and the confusion was such that it was impossible to take refuge in the inner citadel, where many (including Hugh the city's archbishop) were crushed to death. Hugh was regarded by many as part of the cause of the disaster, since he was a rich miser, unwilling to spend anything on the city's defence. Thus while Raymond pursued his personal vendetta and Joscelin waited for external assistance, Zanki became master of one of the oldest cities in Christendom, and her people perished miserably
Certainty: 1 Alexandros the sebastos died, & Tzetzes wrote an iambic epitaph. Alexandros the sebastos was an important man unknown to Tzetzes, and had never noticed him when his grand procession passed him as a pedestrian in the street. Yet when Alexandros died and Gregorios Zabareiotes wrote asking Tzetzes for an iambic epitaph, he felt a kind of gratitude and immediately composed it, though he was very busy. He also wrote to Gregorios exploring his motives for this
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes consoled Leon Charsianites on the death of his mother. Tzetzes wrote to Leon Charsianites to console him on the death of his mother. He said this was a comparatively easy task, since his mother had lived a full life, but did not suffer the unpleasantnesses which often afflict the dying as the result of old age
Certainty: 0 Radulf of Domfront escaped to Rome, was partly vindicated, but died. Radulf remained imprisoned for a long time in the monastery of St Symeon, but finally escaped, and succeeded in reaching Rome; there he was again able to gain some credibility with the Roman curia. But as he was preparing to return to Syria, he died, amid the regular rumours of poison. Before he died, he was seen by William of Tyre
Certainty: 3 Manuel I confirmed grants of paroikoi to Theologos of Patmos & to its other properties. The financial official Ioannes Doukas certified with his signature a chrysobull of Alexios I for Christodoulos of Patmos (1088) granting an exkousseia from certain taxes for a ship of 500 modioi to be built for and owned by the monastery of Patmos, and another chrysobull of Ioannes II (1119) confirming earlier chrysobulls of Alexios I establishing an annual grant of wheat for the monastery on Patmos. Theoktistos, the hegoumenos of Patmos, later requested and was granted by the emperor Manuel 1 a decree protecting the 12 paroikoi of Patmos on Leros from the praktores of Samos and granting the monastery 6 more paroikoi for Leros, exempt from all fiscal obligations. The decree was issued, signed in red ink and sealed by the emperor, then registered in the sekreton of the megas logariastes by Ioannes Pepagomenos, in the sekreton of the epi ton oikeiakon by Theodoros Spondyles, in the sekreton of the megas logariastes of the euage sekreta by Romanakes and in the sekreton of the epi ton vestiarion by Kostomyres. A copy was finally certified and signed by Basileios Pekoules and Ioannes Alopos
Certainty: 2 Raymond was forced to supplicate Ioannes II's tomb before Manuel forgave him. Manuel I's punitive expedition against Raymond of Poitiers achieved for Ioannes II what he had lost by death. Raymond was forced to came to Constantinople. There he was ignored at first, and only got Manuel's attention by going to Ioannes II's tomb in the Pantokrator, where he was forgiven and became Manuel's liege. This extortion of homage from Raymond would be given in the Second Crusade by Godfrey, bishop of Langres, as a reason for a possible French attack on Constantinople
Certainty: 2 Raymond saw Manuel riding with heavy weapons & a flag, & suspected a trick. When Raymond of Poitiers visited Constantinople, he saw the emperor Manuel I riding with a heavy spear fitted with a massive flag and a shield, and thought there was a trick involved. Manuel in fact was improving Byzantine weapons and training, with long shields, lances and mock battles on horseback with blunt weapons, in which he took part himself. Raymond approached Manuel and asked to hold his weapons, realised they were as heavy as they looked, and expressed amazement
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes wrote to Leon, metropolitan of Dristra about a gift of fish. When Leon Charsianites was appointed metropolitan of Dristra, Leon's friend Tzetzes for a time received nothing from him. Then he received, not a letter but three fish, preserved in different ways. This led to philosophical reflections on their symbolic meaning, including thoughts on his own refusal of public office
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes recommended a grammatikos to Alexios, nephew of the protovestiarios. Tzetzes wrote to Alexios, nephew of the protovestiarios, greatly lamenting his distance from the capital, as he was living in the European provinces to the south; the occasion for the letter was a recommendation to Alexios for Michael, a priest and grammatikos
Certainty: 3 Death of William of Messines, patriarch of Jerusalem. William of Messines, patriarch of Jerusalem, went the way of all flesh, in the fifteenth year of his patriarchate
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes failed to retrieve something of his from the patriarchal hypomimneskon. Tzetzes had made a formal application to the patriarchal hypomimneskon for the return of something belonging to him. Since there had been no response, he sent a reminder, wondering (ironically) if his request had been too formal
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes complained about an aggressive plagiarist. A friend of Tzetzes wrote a fine epitaph for Ioannes II, but it was claimed by another man as his own. And the plagiarist did not stop there: he tried to appropriate the Lykophron commentary of Tzetzes himself, a work whose author was known to everybody. The lie was pointed out by Mesarites, but the plagiarist's response was to attack him violently. Tzetzes now intervened with a letter to point out the truth and excoriate the guilty man
Certainty: 3 Louis VII & the Bishop of Langres announced the Second Crusade at Bourges. Louis VII invited an unusually large number of nobles to Bourges for Christmas, and there revealed to them his secret desire to go on crusade. His statements were supported by a sermon from Godfrey, bishop of Langres, who painted a melancholy picture of the fate of Edessa (Rohes) and its Christian population. But the king's announcement was not successful at once, and it was resolved to meet the following Easter at Vezelay
Certainty: 1 Michael Italikos discussed meanings of "homaimon" with Alexios Komnenos. An Alexios Komnenos (unspecified) asked Michael Italikos about the meanings of the word "homaimon", as he was in dispute over the word with a protonotarios. Michael replied that it meant "brother", but many other things too, especially just "kin", giving examples. If he were not so busy at Philippopolis, there would be far more examples
Certainty: 3 Fulcher of Angouleme, archbishop of Tyre, elected as patriarch of Jerusalem.
Certainty: 2 Despite the death of his eldest sister Maria, Manuel fortified Melangeia, to stop Turkish attacks on Bithynia. Since Mas'ud of Ikonion was ravaging to the east of Byzantine territory, Manuel marched to Melangeia against him, attacking the Turks there. He took measures to defend and rebuild Melangeia, then returned to the capital, ill with pleurisy. His eldest sister Maria had fallen mortally ill while he was away. He cut short his participation in the work, but she was dead before he reached Constantinople, leaving Ioannes Rogerios Dalassenos as a widower
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the two grammatikoi of the sebastokratorissa Eirene. Tzetzes wrote to the two grammatikoi of Eirene the sebastokratorissa, the sebastophoros and Aspidopolos, complaining that although often together they were very different in character; the results of contacting them were inconsistent
Certainty: 3 St Bernard's preaching of the Crusade at Vezelay at Easter & its results. Louis VII sent information to pope Eugenius III about the Crusade and the meeting at Vezelay at Easter. Eugenius' reaction was enthusiastic, and he promised suitable indulgences. He wanted to come in person to bless the movement, but was prevented by political problems, and deputed his role to St Bernard of Clairvaux. Louis prepared for him a platform in a large field outside Vezelay. St Bernard preached at Easter to a vast throng of people, together with Louis VII, already wearing the cross. By his own holy enthusiasm and delegated papal authority he won so many devoted crusaders that it was difficult to find crosses for them all. His preaching was supported by miracles, and continued after the meeting at Vezelay, so that the number of intending crusaders became very large. He then went on to preach in Germany with continuing success
Certainty: 2 Violent quarrel among Komnenian family members at Metabole. In a meeting of the inner circle of the Komnenian family at Metabole, Ioannes Axouch made a speech at dinner contrasting Ioannes II and Manuel I. [Axouch is not directly given a urname, but a good case has been made that it was he.] Against the usual pattern of encomia, the dead father was given preference over his living son. Manuel, who was strong in filial piety, was not at all annoyed at the preference, but did feel that some particular criticisms of himself were too biting. They were taken up by Manuel's brother Isaakios, who exaggerated them still further. Andronikos, the future emperor, at this point insulted Isaakios, who in his usual irascible way tried to decapitate Andronikos. The blow might have succeeded had not Ioannes Doukas [probably the son of Anna Komnene] diverted it with his riding-crop on to Andronikos' jaw, with the help of Manuel I himself, who was slightly wounded and left with a small scar on his wrist. As a result, Isaakios was banished from the court for some days, while Axouch lost some of the seals which gave him power over finances
Certainty: 3 Tzetzes, about to return to the capital, exchanged letters with Georgios Alopos. On May 17, Tzetzes received a letter from his friend Georgios Alopos with a kindly greeting and good news of his health. He replied with a very similar letter, hoping to see Georgios before returning to the capital
Certainty: 3 Resignation of Michael II Oxeites, proclamation of Kosmas II Attikos. The patriarch Michael II esigned from the patriarchate and returned to the island and monastery of Oxeia where he had been a monk. He bent his neck at the entrance to the narthex to be trodden on by all the brothers, saying he should never have left, and had gained nothing by becoming patriarch. As the new patriarch, Kosmas II Attikos, was proclaimed, Easter was being celebrated. Kosmas had only been a deacon; he was from Aigina, was learned in all wisdom and specially distinguished for his virtues, the greatest of which was charity. He would often give away the clothes from his back and offer beggars things from his own house
Certainty: 2 Manuel I married Bertha von Sulzbach (Eirene). Bertha von Sulzbach, from a most aristocratic German family, had been engaged to marry Manuel Komnenos before the surprising deaths which brought him to the throne. Thus there was a pause before their marriage. After the wedding she enjoyed all the external trappings of an empress, but did not regularly share his bed. She preferred beauty of soul to beauty of body, despised cosmetics, and had a German obstinacy. His sexual activity was unrestrained, with many more fashionable partners than her, not stopping even at the acute shame of incest
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes was promoted to the office of didaskalos of the Psalter. As Georgios Tornikes was promoted to the office of didaskalos of the Psalter, he delivered an encomiastic prooimion. This was directed, as always to the patriarch, the recently-installed Kosmas II
Certainty: 2 Manuel's successful raid from Lopadion could not prevent a major Turkish invasion of Thrakesion. The Turks had broken the truce by capturing Prakana and other places. Manuel therefore made a sudden raid from Lopadion, reached Pithekas where he had built a fort, but was unwell for one night; his generals, however, defeated the enemy nearby, gaining booty. It was now plain that the Turks were making a major assault on the theme of Thrakesion. To counter this, Manuel sent Theodoros Kontostephanos, but he was too late to achieve much, since he had not gathered an army before the Turks arrived. Their invasion reached as far as Kelbianon, not far from the sea.Manuel now began to plan a full-scale attack on Ikonion
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote a petition to Manuel I in favour of Kosmas II. Tzetzes wrote to Osteos the protopsaltes, whom he judged to be a supporter of the patriarch Kosmas II. He enclosed with the letter a petition to Manuel I, asking Osteos to pass the petition on to Manuel and ensure that it was read to him by one of his grammatikoi who did not belong to the anti-Kosmas faction. The petition reminded Manuel that the appointment of a patriarch was a collegiate act, together with the synod and senate, not to be overturned by envious and embittered place-seekers among the ecclesiastics. It also warned him that Kosmas' opponents were gathering priests of the worst type to drive him illegally from office. Manuel was urged to intervene like a Komnenian and ensure their poisonous activities achieved no success
Certainty: 2 Angry at Turkish aggression, Manuel challenged the Sultan of Ikonion: the challenge was accepted. Manuel I complained by letter to Mas'ud of Ikonion that he had captured Prakana and fought against Byzantine allies like Yaghi-Basan, the Danishmendid amir of Cappadocia. For these acts of aggression, Manuel challenged him to battle. Mas'ud accepted the challenge, specifying that the battle should take place at Philomelion, where his camp was
Certainty: 2 Manuel I made a bold attack on the sultan at Ikonion (general factoids). This campaign is often mentioned briefly as the first, or one of the first actions in Manuel I's relations with Byzantium's neighbours. The toponym "Ikonion" is often enough to recall the campaign
Certainty: 2 Manuel routed near Akrounos a Turkish detachment sent against him: the Sultan quickly fled. Mas'ud, sultan of Ikonion, remained at Philomelion, sending a detachment of his forces only to meet Manuel I, who crossed Lydia and saved the cities of Phrygia and by the river Maiander from impending danger by frightening the Turks and driving them off. A larger battle took place at Mount Kalograia near Akrounos, and the Byzantines crushed the sultan's contingent, which fled back to Philomelion. The disaster overwhelmed Mas'ud, who withdrew quickly from Philomelion in disorder
Certainty: 2 Manuel captured & destroyed Philomelion, releasing long-term Byzantine prisoners. Manuel then reached Philomelion, sacked it and burned it to the ground, releasing long-term Byzantine prisoners whom the Turks had not thought in time to transfer elsewhere. An unnamed general of his routed large Turkish forces without receiving a scratch
Certainty: 2 Another Byzantine victory opened the road to Ikonion. Manuel sent Mas'ud another letter, complaining that he had not met him at Philomelion, as promised, then followed the retreating sultan past Adrianople (Lykaonia) and camped at Gaita, with the Turks at Andrachman; the next day Manuel again easily defeated the Turks, inflicting losses and taking captives, approaching Ikonion. Manuel wished to show himself more adventurous than his father, so refused to listen to those who advised a return to the safety of the capital
Certainty: 2 Manuel won by guile a hard-fought battle near Ikonion. Mas'ud garrisoned Ikonion but remained outside to avoid a cramped and unpredictable siege. His army was in two divisions, one on the hillside by the city, the other on the right, defended by the mountain extending to Kaballa; Choniates says his position was at Taxara (the ancient Koloneia). Manuel led up the Byzantine van from Kaballa, making two expert calculations - the position of Mas'ud, and the fact that the Turks had no hidden reserves. With confidence in his judgement, he bravely attacked against apparent odds and routed the demoralised Turkish line. But the rearguard of the Byzantine army was ambushed and also attacked by the garrison of Ikonion, so that they were thrown into confusion. He sent Georgios Pyrrogeorgios and Chouroup to help, but with little effect. He then decided that guile was needed, not force, so he told Bempitziotes, a soldier from Adrianople, to take off his helmet and brandish it in the air. This implied that the sultan had been captured, raising Byzantine morale and winning the victory. The bloody battles around Ikonion were later compared unfavourably to Manuel's almost bloodless "defeat" of the Second Crusade
Certainty: 2 Inspection of Ikonion showed a long siege would be needed: knowing of the crusade, Manuel withdrew. The day after the battle outside Ikonion, Manuel made a circuit round the walls and decided that the city was impregnable, without the expenditure of more time and force than he had available (he had heard of the impending Crusade). He allowed his men to fire arrows at the battlements and desecrate tombs - but not that of Mas'ud's mother, for whom he demanded respect. Mas'ud's daughter Kamero lent over the walls and delivered to the Byzantine forces an eloquent defence of her father. Manuel then sent letters to the sultan and his wife, and started homewards
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent a challenge to the sultan for the next year & a letter to his wife . Before leaving the area of Ikonion, Manuel sent two letters. One was to Mas'ud's wife, informing her that her husband was still alive. She had gathered thousands of animals and other foods for his acceptance, but did not deliver them, because of the burning of buildings outside the city. The other letter was to Mas'ud himself, threatening to return the next year and insulting him for cowardice
Certainty: 2 The major battle of Tzibrelitzemani: Manuel's first moves. The sultan Mas'ud, reinforced by many Turks from areas once ruled by the amir Gumushtegin Ghazi, plucked up courage to attack Manuel I as he went homewards over rough terrain at Tzibrelitzemani. Some Byzantines were in difficulties before Manuel arrived. Like a Latin trying to impress his new bride Bertha/Eirene, he decided to fight in person, in battles fiercer than he had faced in approaching Ikonion. He stationed two ambushes in nearby ravines, with relatives (including his sisters' husbands) in one and Nikolaos Angelos, commanding two units, in the other. He told them not to fight till they saw him attacking. Leaving the ambushes, he was unwillingly persuaded by his brother Isaakios and Ioannes Axouchos to wait incognito, with his imperial armour concealed, for Turkish attacks on the foragers. He had Poupakes reconnoitre and then decoy towards him more and more Turks. He pursued them with Isaakios, Axouch and Poupakes, his companions becoming ever more reluctant. When his brother Isaakios despaired as his horse was exhausted, and begged him to think of his wife and children, Manuel rebuked him for mistrust and rode on bravely
Certainty: 2 Tzibrelitzemani: the battle becomes chaotic. The battle was now far from the two ambushes set at its beginning. The relatives from the first ambush swore to support Manuel, whether he wanted them or not. They sent Kotertzes to ask how the battle was going: Manuel summoned them to come quickly. He reached a Turkish force of 500, near Mas'ud's main army, surprised them and killed some. He saw the men from the ambushes approaching, but the Turks kept them away from the emperor, thinking they had already ensnared him. Manuel told Poupakes to prevent the Byzantines from being cut off from a nearby hill; Poupakes told him to look after himself, but Manuel silenced him, making him obey orders. Unable to retreat without shame, Manuel charged and made a stand on a hill, to be joined by Ioannes (the later protosebastos) and others. Manuel escaped despite his exhausted horse. Ioannes Axouch, left behind in the emperor Manuel 1's attack and fearing for his own safety, claimed he was at a good rallying-point for rescuing the emperor; thus he gathered a force, then advanced in safety to Manuel. Several of Manuel's officers reproached him for rashness, so he turned his mind to saving Byzantine stragglers. He placed another ambush in a ravine and made more attacks, aided by Nikolaos Angelos and Kotertzes' bowmen. At this crisis, he saw Turks retreating unexpectedly, and deduced they could see Byzantine reinforcements invisible to himself. His uncle Isakios was said to have gone into a chapel in the imperial tent, expecting Manuel to be killed, providing him at last with an opportunity for usurpation. But the reinforcements appeared, and the emperor was able to achieve more in the evening
Certainty: 2 Tzibrelitzemani: second & third days. Resuming at dawn, the battle went on fiercely, and there were many losses, mainly in Ioannikios Kritoples' infantry, which was wavering; Manuel left his own men to his brother Isaakios and others and saved those of Ioannikios. Many of his formations were despondent through losses and sluggish despite real and threatened punishments. To raise morale he gave special orders to each regiment, from a list he carried. Even so, the army was hard-pressed, and as evening approached there were many who wanted to camp as they were, confined in a limited space. He opposed this proposal, thinking it might lead to defeat. He charged with the imperial standard, killed many Turks and captured others in a regular rout, including the prominent Pharkousas. A Turkish member of the Gabras family was killed, and his head paraded among the Byzantines. Manuel thus made room for a proper camp: in charge of this he put Basileios Tzikandyles, Sinopites, Ioannikios Kritoples and others. He abandoned the pursuit late at night, then organised the camp, where pack-animals had still been carrying their loads. Despite his efforts, through lack of space, many had to sleep on horseback. In a speech the next morning he called for discipline and determination to get home safely
Certainty: 2 Manuel communicated again with Mas'ud. Manuel made for lake Pousgouse. When he was on the plains and felt he was out of danger, he asked a soildier in his army to act as a herald and summon a Turk to be used as a messenger. A Turk appeared, was given an aristocrat's breastplate for credibility, and sent with a message complaining of Mas'ud's elusiveness and threatening to return the next year. When Mas'ud received the message, he sued for peace. Manuel delayed a long time before replying, especially because of uncertainty caused by news of the Crusade
Certainty: 2 To reach safety, Manuel still had to fight a Turcoman tribe in the Maiander valley. Manuel I recognised the leader of a Turkish band as Raman, and joined in pursuing them unarmed, encouraging others, though it seemed fruitless. When his horse was exhausted he took that of his cousin Andronikos (who was to wait for the fast imperial remount) and attacked successfully alone, with borrowed weapons. When Andronikos' remount arrived, he attacked quite well without armour, and Manuel could not persuade him to stop: but all he really achieved was to round up the horses of those killed by the emperor. When out of enemy territory near the mouth of the Maiander, Manuel went hunting but came on Turkish raiders with booty, recognising they were from Raman's band; he watched them from above as they exhausted Byzantine pursuers
Certainty: 2 Manuel was wounded in the heel by a Turkish archer, whom he heroically captured. [Choniates dates this earlier in the campaign than Kinnamos, whose account, however, is fuller. Presumably this explains why he had a limp when he reached home] Attacking on his own, Manuel unhorsed a Turkish archer, who managed nevertheless to fire an arrow and strike him in the heel. Before he could fire again, Manuel captured him and dragged him by the hair to the camp. He modestly made no reference to this act of heroism, which had no witnesses. Needing flesh to treat his wound, he chose horseflesh rather than the human flesh offered by a loyal soldier
Certainty: 2 Manuel settled prisoners from Philomelion in a fort at Pylai, then returned to Constantinople. Manuel I had his wound treated, then made a long march to the camp at the mouth of the Meander. From there he set off to Constantinople, settling prisoners from Philomelion in a fortification at Pylai
Certainty: 2 Zanki was murdered during the siege of Qal'at al-Ja'bar. While Zanki was still excited over his success at Edessa, he besieged Qal'at al-Ja'bar on the Euphrates. The lord of the town conducted negotiations with Zanki's eunuchs and chamberlains, and persuaded some of them to murder their master while he was drunk. The lord then saved the murderers from vengeance by accepting them inside the walls. Zanki's army melted away without his influence. He was succeeded by his two sons, Nur al-Din, who ruled at Aleppo, and his brother, who ruled at Mosul
Certainty: 2 Louis VII's diplomatic preparations for the Crusade. Louis VII wrote about the Crusade to Roger II in Apulia and Manuel Komnenos in Constantinople. Roger replied expressing willingness to help with provisions and sea transport; he also promised that he or his son Roger, Duke of Apulia (?), would join the crusade; he sent nobles to pledge the help offered. Manuel wrote at length in a flowery way, calling Louis his "holy friend and brother", and making a lot of promises which he did not keep. Louis also asked Conrad III of Germany and Geza of Hungary for passage across their realms and for markets for provisions. Both replied in a very positive way
Certainty: 2 Manuel I received ambassadors making requests for the Second Crusade, which he granted. Some preliminary ambassadors appeared to make arrangements for the passage of the Second Crusade through Byzantine lands, especially the establishment of special markets to provide provisions. Manuel received them in a positive way, praising their undertaking and generously offering what they asked, provided they abstained from violence. He soon began to put these promises into action. He mentioned that he was writing in the course of war with the infidel, claiming credit. This would be held against him during the crusade, when the westerners discovered that he had later made peace with Mas'ud
Certainty: 2 Joscelin II recaptured Edessa, but not its citadel. After the murder of Zanki, Nur al-Din was detained at Mosul over questions of his father's inheritance, and only small forces were left at Edessa. Joscelin II therefore received news from the huge Christian majority in Edessa that there were no Turkish troops there apart from a few guarding the citadel. He was asked to gather his men and go there, so that the citizens could surrender the city to him. So he gathered all his men, and was joined by Baldwin of Mar'ash. They arrived at Edessa, and were able to enter the city by ropes and ladders provided by the citizens. Those who had entered opened the gates for the rest, and a massacre followed of all the enemy they could find. But they could not take the citadel, having no engines, nor wood with which to build them
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to protect a pseudo-intellectual young relative. In the past, a young relative of Tzetzes had written iambic verses at the end of a bureacratic document. His superior, the tax official Ioannes Smeniotes, had refused to sign the document, putting the bureaucratic process in danger. Tzetzes had written to calm the situation, and Smeniotes had relented. Now there were rumours that in the theme governed by Batatzes (the unworldly Tzetzes did not know which it was), Tzetzes' relative and Smeniotes would again be working together. Tzetzes now wrote in advance to prepare the ground, in case his pseudo-intellectual young relative repeated the offence
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to an archiatros (senior doctor), thanking him for partridges. Ioannes Tzetzes thanked Michael the senior doctor for sending him partridges from Adrianople, which extended Michael's long arm as far as the capital. But Tzetzes he explained that his vegetarian tendencies made him prefer letters to food
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the monk Theosteriktos, asking for a servant in a time of illness. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote to the monk Theosteriktos, mentioning a young (Slavic?) slave-boy involved in a scandal, and asking to be sent the boy for help while he was ill. The megas chartoularios of Hagia Sophia had behaved badly to Theosteriktos, as well as to Joseph, the hegoumenos of the Pantokrator monastery where Tzetes lived. The megas chartoularios had emphatically denied the existence of the boy, till he was forced by convincing evidence to admit the fact to another monk, Theophilos. Tzetzes had been ill with his grim chronic illness for five months, spending all his savings on medical and dietary help, with nobody even to bring him water. So he asked Theosteriktos to send him the slave-boy to help him. Tzetzes also felt the need to defend his own honesty, using an unusual document from the megas chartoularios himself. His lack of a mercenary instinct was also shown by the fact that he had accepted a gift of harness for a mule from his lord (probably Joseph), but not the mule itself, telling Ioannikios, his lord's messenger, that he had no need of such a beast
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes thanked the metropolitan of Ephesos for school fees, but excluded one student. Ioannes Tzetzes thanked Ioannes Kolpotos, archbishop of Ephesos, for paying all the school fees he owed, thus helping Tzetzes to complete another year's teaching. However he warned the archbishop that there were limits to his tolerance of poor and unruly students, like Ioannes, a student for whom he had paid. The boy's presence in a class in his cell made Tzetzes want to get up and walk out
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes sent three letters to Joseph, hegoumenos of the Pantokrator monastery. Ioannes Tzetzes sent three letters to Joseph, hegoumenos of the Pantokrator monastery. In the first, he wrote to thank Joseph for some sweet-smelling gift which was incomparably better than anything produced in Arabia. The second referred to their first meeting: he described it in terms of extreme eulogy of the hegoumenos. The third referred to a promise by Joseph to repair all the paths around the monastery, at which Tzetzes had gratefully told all his friends. Joseph had largely fulfilled the promise, but had not succeeded with the path to the monks' cells. Tzetzes thus was proved a liar: Joseph should correct this by completing the last path
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes complained to his neighbour Anna Komnene about the heretic Tzourichos. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote to Anna Komnene as a fellow-resident of the Pantokrator monastery, complaining about the family of the heretic Tzourichos. The year before, the patriarch Michael II Kourkouas had investigated and interrogated Tzourichos in the gallery of the church of St Peter and St Paul in the Orphanotropheion, pronounced him a complete heretic and threatened him with burning. He also condemned Tzourichos' mature son to 36 strokes of the cudgel, but he had been saved from punishment by the intervention of the metropolitan of Thessalonike. Tzetzes was particularly angry about Tzourichos' son-in-law, who had come from Adrianople to the capital to work in the imperial stables. He had made violent threats against Tzetzes when he refused to call Tzourichos a saint. Tzetzes told Anna that respect for her (he speaks of her gateway) was all that stopped him from violently punishing Tzourichos' son-in-law himself; to support his case, he inclosed a false narrative of a divine vision of Tzourichos. This narrative of heresy, violence and threats of more violence was designed to have the man dismissed from imperial service
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the sebastokratorissa Eirene, complaining of fraud by plagiarism. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote to the sebastokratorissa Eirene complaining that an unnamed man had claimed that Tzetzes' scholia were his, seeking to divert to himself the payment due to the real author. But Eirene realised the deception â and the man himself virtually admitted it
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Megalonas, representative of the empress Eirene, failing to have his fee increased. Ioannes Tzetzes complained to Megalonas, ek prosopou of the empress Eirene, who refused to raise the fee for a commissioned work he was writing for the empress. He began by speaking of the unfairness of Byzantine society, contrasting monks who grew rich by fraud with a neighbour of his, who was driven to crime by abject poverty. He broke into a house, was detected and forced to jump off a high wall, injuring his head; he was then caught and badly beaten by comparatively well-fed householders, till Tzetzes intervened to save him. He continued his complaint by stating that labour was undervalued in the pricing of goods - for example refusal to pay for the carriage of fruit from one market to another. His own labour in writing Eirene's book was similarly forgotten, and he received only a kind of honorarium
Certainty: 2 The second sack of Edessa, this time by Nur al-Din. The recapture of Edessa caused only brief rejoicing in the Christian world, for Nur al-Din soon assembled his army and began a siege, helped by the garrison of the citadel, who also attacked the city from the inside. Count Joscelin and the people of Edessa were in a terrible position. Rather than face the long-term horror of a siege, Joscelin and his army decided to try to fight through the enemy cordon. Most of the people tried to go with them rather than face lingering death or servitude. These plans were very dangerous, but the best available. The gates were opened and the exodus began, harried from behind by Turks from the citadel. Savage battles began at the gates, with heavy losses in both armies and especially among the non-combatants, most of whom were trampled, crushed or slaughtered. Much of the Christian army fought its way past the besiegers, with only a few of the citizens, and made for the Euphrates. Nur al-Din pursued them, leading to a constant running engagement. Losses were heavy, especially on the Christian side, including Baldwin of Mar'ash. Joscelin escaped and crossed the river to Samosata with a fraction of his force. Others got away by scattering in all directions. Rejoicing over the recapture of Edessa ended with news of a second sack and a massacre
Certainty: 2 Congratulations for Manuel I on his first campaign against the Turks. Manganeios Prodromos wrote a full encomium for his return to the capital after attacking Ikonion. It narrated how a Turk wounded him in the heel but was then dragged off by the hair, and spoke of imperial crimson footwear, other particular feats in the battle, repeated attacks, mythological parallels, and ended with a limping Philip of Macedon
Certainty: 2 Manuel's chief ministers: Ioannes of Poutze, Ioannes Hagiotheodorites & Theodoros Stypeiotes. Despite Manuel's obsession with sex, he did administer the empire, using at first money left in the treasury by Ioannes II, then in a less generous way. His ministers were Ioannes of Poutza for raising revenue, Ioannes Hagiotheodoretes for carrying out his edicts and Theodoros Stypeiotes, the epi tou kanikleiou, for the written word.Ioannes of Pouzta would sometimes work all day at the palace of Blachernai. Once his mind was made up, it never changed; he was impervious to tears, supplications or bribery, completely unapproachable, and often responded to petitioners with silence, dismissing them with no word of reply. He became a miser, recycling presents, even of fish, wolfing down cheap street food and grasping every chance to save money. Ioannes Hagiotheodorites was always in Manuel's presence, treating his every word as divinely inspired, a most succesful administrator. He was a rival of Theodoros Stypeiotes, and originally his superior. But the ambitious Theodoros used the opportunity of a quarrel between Hagiotheodoretes and Joseph Balsamon to send the former away to a distant post as as praetor of Hellas and Peloponnesos, and so gain the upper hand as epi tou kanikleiou. He was the most prominent of the many learned men in the palace, operating confidently and charmingly, in close cooperation with Manuel I
Certainty: 1 Disputed election of Radulf, the royal chancellor, as Archbishop of Tyre. A meeting was held at Tyre to elect an archbishop of Tyre to the vacant see. Present were Baldwin III, queen Melisende, Fulcher the new patriarch (who was from the see in question) and the suffragan bishops of Tyre. Opinions were divided: Radulf, the royal chancellor, was supported by one group, led by the king and his mother; the other group was against Radulf, consisting of John of Pisa, archdeacon of Tyre (the future cardinal), Bernard, bishop of Sidon, Ioannes, bishop of Beirut, and Fulcher the patriarch. They complained that Radulf was being imposed by the royal court, and tried to defeat him. In the end, Radulf prevailed by violence, and for two years unjustly enjoyed the church of Tyre and its possessions
Certainty: 0 Michael Italikos explained to the sakellarios that (pace the Armenians) Christ was born on December 25. Michael Italikos (from Philippopolis) explained to the sakellarios in Constantinople that Christ was born on December 25, using the arguments of St Ioannes Chrysostomos. The rejected arguments are all those of the Armenians, who do not seem to have read the relevant sermon of Chrysostomos
Certainty: 2 Manuel made peace with the sebastokratorissa Eirene.
Certainty: 2 Condemnation of the preacher Niphon led to accusations against the patriarch Kosmas II. The preacher Niphon, who had been punished as a heretic under the patriarch Michael II, was rehabilitated under Michael's successor Kosmas II Attikos. Niphon gained greater freedom, spoke in meetings and in the streets, and circulated his teaching widely, and was said to openly deny the Hebrew God, with encouragement from the patriarch. Niphon had often eaten at Kosmas' table and slept under his roof. Despite this support, Niphon was again denounced to the emperor and imprisoned. Kosmas was amazed, but showed loyalty to Niphon, and asked to be imprisoned with him. The focus of the problem gradually shifted from the heretic monk to the simple-minded patriarch. Kosmas' opponents pointed out that the patriarch was very close to Manuel's suspect brother Isaakios, so open religious meetings could be portrayed as seditious plotting against the emperor. Manuel, being young and self-willed, was suspicious. There was a split in the church which Manuel had to face when he returned from the Ikonion campaign
Certainty: 3 Louis VII consulted an assembly at Etampes to discuss details of the Crusade. As Louis VII always consulted over important issues, he called his nobles to Etampes to discuss matters relevant to he Crusade. On the first day St Bernard reported that he had won Conrad III of Germany for the Crusade; then they all heard answers to the letters Louis had sent. On the second day, he discussed with his barons the route to be followed by the Crusade. They rejected the proposals made by the Normans of Sicily to follow a sea route, and decided to go through the Byzantine Empire. The Sicilian representatives of Roger II were very disappointed. On the third day choices were made about the regency of France in Louis' absence; Suger of St Denis accepted the charge, but William of Nevers did not, as he had vowed to enter a monastery. It was decided to leave in the middle of the year
Certainty: 3 A council in the Blachernai palace deposed the patriarch Kosmas II. Manuel I, after returning from Ikonion, asked bishops privately about the monk Niphon. Most told him the truth about Niphon's heretical views, while Kosmas II praised him. Manuel then asked the bishops formally: they condemned Niphon for impiety, while Kosmas still praised him. Some archbishops saw Kosmas consorting with Niphon, and asked the emperor to call a council. Kosmas was examined in a council presided over by Manuel in the Blachernai palace. There were nine lay officials present plus the emperor, and 33 senior prelates (as well as Kosmas). Manuel asked Kosmas about Niphon, and he replied that he was orthodox. Metropolitans condemned by Choniates as unrighteous seized on this, and the council decided it was enough proof, determining that Kosmas had the same beliefs as the Bogomil Niphon, and so should be deposed. After deposition, Kosmas looked round the council, and cursed the womb of the empress Eirene not to bear a male son. Then he excommunicated some of the imperial family and the council as imperial sycophants who had deposed him uncanonically. Stephanos Kontostephanos, Manuel's brother-in-law, was very angry at the curse, and rushed at Kosmas planning to punch him; but he stopped in time. Manuel, the rest of the family and other members of the council showed disapproval of Stephanos' impiety, though they too were furious at Kosmas. Kosmas told them to let Stephanos be, for he had not yet suffered his stony fate (a prophecy of his death). Manuel, probably conscience-stricken that Kosmas was a good and devout man badly treated, merely deposed him without further punishment, alleging as his only reason the deprivation of an heir
Certainty: 2 False accusation by "Hierotheos" & probably "Bagoas" against the deposed Kosmas II. "Hierotheos" and "Bagoas" were false names used in later documents for two of the harshest enemies of the deposed patriarch Kosmas II. So far from pitying him, as most did, they were not satisfied by his deposition, but tried to ensure that the judgement could never be overturned. Hierotheos smeared holy icons with honey and denounced Kosmas for defacing them with dung. This crude plan was detected and he was imprisoned. Bagoas, who had improved his villainous reputation by a hypocritical pretence to be devout and association with holy men, tried without success to support Hierotheos' accusation. He was then able to ensure that his life in prison was comfortable and his release swift. This created a presumption that he shared Hierotheos' guilt
Certainty: 2 March by Baldwin III & the army of Jeruslem to Bostra, to escort Altuntash home. Altuntash, Turkish ruler of Bostra and Salkhad, antagonised both Mujir al-Din the titular ruler of Damascus, and Mu'in al-Din Anar, the power behind his throne. He made a formal visit to Baldwin III and Melisende, with a large retinue, to say that if given suitable compensation, he was willing to hand over Bostra and Salkhad to the Christians. The plan was examined carefully and an agreement made, satisfactory to both sides, and it was decided to send heralds to assemble the army and take the True cross. Baldwin and all his barons were to meet at Tiberias to march to Bostra. The treaty between Anar and Fulk was still in place, so Baldwin wrote to Anar to explain the apparent violation. Anar sensibly summoned his allies before replying, accusing Baldwin of breaking the treaty by invading Damascus to support a rebel. He asked him to stop, offering to pay his expenses. Baldwin replied by explaining that Jerusalem intended no harm to Damascus, but felt obligated to Altuntash, who had left Bostra on their account; they wished just to return him to his city, then let events take their legal course. Bernard Vacher was one of the envoys who brought Anar's letter, which seemed likely to stop the expedition. But as news spread, Bernard was called a traitor, while Altuntash's offer was praised to the skies by irresponsible people. The irresponsible made the army leave, and they reached Cavea Roob, where they met large numbers of the enemy. That night, all would willingly have returned, but it was hard to move anywhere. They advanced, but progress was slow and exhausting, as they were thirsty among dead locusts. The army went on in grave danger to Deraa, as the enemy increased in number while effective Christian troops decreased. After four days' torment they reached water at Bostra. But they heard that Altuntash's wife had betrayed the town to the Turks. There was nothing for it but to return home
Certainty: 2 Desperate but successful struggle by Baldwin III & the army of Jerusalem to reach home. As the army left Bostra for home, Baldwin III refused to escape himself with the Cross, leaving the army in mortal peril, showing his character. The hardships of this journey were doubled, as there was now no hope of success. Mu'in al-Din Anar summoned Nur al-Din to help him attack them. Orders were given to carry all Christian dead and wounded with them, puzzling the Turks as to why, for all their efforts, no corpses were found. The enemy then burned bushes upwind of Baldwin's army. As the smoke and flame approached, the people begged Robert, bishop of Nazareth, for help: he raised the Cross and prayed, and at once the wind blew back towards the enemy. But as enemy attacks continued, Latin leaders realised that the army's endurance was at an end. Baldwin was persuaded to seek a truce from Anar at almost any price, provided the army escaped. He sent as envoy a Turkish speaker suspected of treachery on a previous mission. He claimed innocence, swearing that if guilty of the charges he should perish by a Turkish sword without returning; he condemned himself to death, for he was soon killed. Four Arab chieftains were prominent among the enemy, at first safe from retaliation becuse the Latins were absolutely forbidden from breaking ranks. But a Turk in the service of Altuntash knew no French and was ignorant of the rules. He rushed forward in grave danger, killed one of the chieftains and returned safely, breaking the enemy line on that side. The whole army wondered who he was: when they found he was a foreigner, they could praise him without punishing him. Baldwin refused an invitation from Anar to a meal at the dangerous defile of Cavea Roob, and from there the army was led by a mysterious guide, who reduced the journey time. They were soon home, able to rest. Baldwin restored the Cross to Jerusalem amid great joy
Certainty: 3 Departure of Conrad III from Ratisbon at Easter & passage through Hungary. Conrad III and his German army set out from Ratisbon at Easter, well in front of Louis VII and the French, who left St Denis around Whitsun. Conrad entered Hungary in great state, because the Hungarians were his enemies. He brought a large fleet, which was abandoned when he left the Danube. Boris, the Hungarian pretender, had written to Louis VII at Etampes. He now attempted to secure the favour of Conrad III as he approached Hungary, giving him generous gifts. However Conrad extorted much larger sums from the Hungarian kingdom to ignore him, and did not help him
Certainty: 2 Manuel's preparations against Ikonion were diverted by Mas'ud's concessions. Manuel I went to the Rhyndakos river ready to besiege and ravage Ikonion. However he was forestalled by an embassy from the sultan Mas'ud led by Sulayman, offering the return of Prakana and other Turkish gains. Manuel (thinking of the Second Crusade) accepted the terms and returned to the capital
Certainty: 3 Ceremonies of departure at Easteride & Whitsun in St Denis. To complete the blessing of the Second Crusade, Eugenius III went north to St Denis and celebrated Easter with full ceremony and huge congregations. Until the Feast of St Denis after Whitsun he put right some errors and then played a part in the handing of the Oriflamme to Louis VII. On the Feast itself Louis visited the monks, then humbly spent some time in the leper colony outside. After that he went and prostrated himself before Eugenius III, abbot Suger and the monks, being permitted to approach and kiss the relic of the saint. He requested the Oriflamme from the abbey before his whole family and court, and was given it in a hot and emotional ceremony, in which his mother and wife suffered badly. He then received symbols of a pilgrim and a blessing from the pope, and dined with the monks
Certainty: 3 Louis VII from St Denis to Worms. Before Louis VII left France, Suger of St Denis was joined in the regency of France by the archbishop of Rheims and Raoul the count of Vermandois and Valois, the latter to add a military dimension to the regency. Loius went to Verdun, then Metz, finding everything voluntarily submitting to him, though outside his own realm. At Metz he waited for his army, making regulations for the journey which other leaders did not follow. He sent ahead Alvisus, archbishop of Arras and Leo, abbot of St Bertin, to organise crossing of the Rhine at Worms. They succeeded in assembling a large fleet, dispensing with the need for a bridge. After crossing the Rhine by boat, he stopped at Worms to wait for Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, with his Normans and English, There was constant contact with the locals over buying food, but this caused a fracas with several pilgrim casualties. Fortunately a serious incident was avoided by cool heads on both sides. Alvisus of Arras found a boat, and with other barons persuaded the townspeople to resume commercial contacts and restore peace
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent ambassadors to Conrad III & his army as they passed the Hungarian border. The huge armies of crusaders were using Palestine, Kinnamos said, as a pretext to attack Byzantium. When Conrad III approached the Hungarian border of Byzantine lands , Manuel I sent Demetrios Makrembolites and Alexander of Gravina to ask them if their plans were peaceful: if so, they should confirm this on oath. His envoys met the crusader leaders in the tent of their doyen, Conrad III, and they confirmed with an oath their good intentions towards Byzantium, and their desire to go to Palestine against the Turks. Makrembolites spoke of the importance of keeping their oaths, and undertook, if they did so, to provide reasonable hospitality. When the envoys returned, Manuel continued to prepare stores of food on the roads, while readying his forces in case the crusade was not as peaceful as hoped
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent various envoys & commanders to regulate the crusaders & check their excesses. Manuel I was well aware of he dangers presented by the huge armies which were coming and their militaristic attitudes, especially the naval problem of Roger of Sicily. He therefore made sure that the armour and weapons of the Byzantine troops were all in order. He divided his men between the garrison of Constantinople and other forces sent to stop the crusaders turning off to plunder; but all was to be done in a peaceful and friendly way. He sent Michael Branas to provide necessities for the westerners at Nis, and Basileios Tzintziloukes and Michael Palaiologos to welcome them in the same way to Serdica (Sofia). Later he sent Prosouch to shadow the German army from around Adrianople, and Andronikos Opos in a vain attempt to get them to cross to Asia at Abydos. Prosouch and Basileios Goudelios Tzikandyles were to lie in ambush at Longoi, and report on the German army. They gave a negative verdict on their discipline, behaviour and likely military effectiveness. Manuel told Prosouch and Tzikandyles in scientific detail how to defeat such an army, if necessary; the occasion arose, and his plan worked, causing heavy losses
Certainty: 2 The clash of the Germans with the governor & people of Philippopolis. When the Crusaders had passed Serdica (Sofia) there were increasing complaints of bad behaviour. These king Conrad disregarded or ascribed to the folly of the mob. When they reached Philppopolis after a largely uneventful march, they were welcomed by Michael Italikos, who held Conrad speechless by his eloquence, and avoided problems, till a small grievance led to an armed clash and made Conrad very angry. This event may be one narrated by Odo of Deuil. A local juggler went into an inn outside Philippopolis where Germans were sitting, and after drinking for a time took out a charmed snake from his pocket, put it on a goblet and began to perform tricks; the Germans complained that he was trying to poison them and tore him to pieces. This murder caused a riot, so Michael came with men to calm it; but the drunken Germans saw their arrival as an attack, and drove them off violently; they were then driven back with heavy losses by the bows of local troops; the Germans finally burned everything outside the city walls. However Michael's tongue is said to have calmed the situation. Conrad III learned that his army was not invincible
Certainty: 2 Signs of German indiscipline (apart from Philippopolis, Adrianople, Philopation, Nikomedeia). The German army of Conrad III behaved unbearably even towards their French co-crusaders. In competition at a market with a French group which had gone ahead of the main French army, the Germans used their numbers to satisfy themselves before the French could begin, and even so picked a fight with them which was hard to stop. Conrad's men would often get drunk, lag behind the army and be killed. As their bodies remained unburied, German corpses became as great a health hazard to the following French as treacherous live Byzantines. German aggression was one reason for Greek mistrust of the French
Certainty: 2 Frederick of Swabia avenged an attack by Byzantine robbers at Adrianople. When the crusaders reached Adrianople, they kept to the route through the city set for them. But a rich German noble fell ill and had to be hospitalised with his possessions in a monastery. Some villainous Byzantines attacked the monastery and burned it down, killing all inside but gaining the money. Conrad sent Frederick of Swabia to exact revenge: the guilty were executed. Manuel I's commander on the spot, Prosouch, had been shadowing the crusaders at a distance, but now intervened with calming words and force where necessary to bring the situation under control [Choniates emphasises his words, Kinnamos the force]. The Germans learned greater respect for the locals
Certainty: 2 Louis VII at Ratisbon & the Byzantine ambassadors. Relieved by the departure of Conrad III, Manuel and the Byzantines now had to deal with Louis VII of France. Manuel sent Michael Palaiologos and Michael Branas to greet Louis as he crossed the Danube. They reached Ratisbon, where they had to wait several days before the arrival of a crusader delegation sent from Worms, consisting of Alvisus, archbishop of Arras, Leo, abbot of St Bertin and Batholomew the chancellor. Louis himself attived later. The French (in Odo of Deuil) claim to have met two ambassadors, Demetrios and Mauros. They brought letters beginning with flattering verbiage which offended Godfrey of Langres. They made two demands for the passage of the crusaders, first that they not capture any town belonging to the Byzantines, second that they freely restore to the emperor any place they captured which had recently belonged to him. The council of Louis VII assented to the first, but not to the second, with seemed unfair in not recognising their efforts and imprecise in the absence of geographical definitions. Delays led to menaces that Manuel might destroy all the food collected and threaten the crusade with starvation. The crisis of the second issue was glossed over by more general mutual guarantees, and postponed for discussion in Constantinople. The Byzantine ambassadors were reported (by Kinnamos) to have been welcomed by the king with gratitude and without excessive pride. At the end of negotiations (according to Odo), Demetrios disappeared abruptly, but Mauros stayed to conduct a French embassy to the capital
Certainty: 2 An embassy from Louis VII at Ratisbon was conducted to Constantinople. The letters delivered from Manuel I to Louis VII at Ratisbon proposed that Louis send a delegation to Constantinople, to be conducted by the Byzantine ambassador Mauros. Alvisus, bishop of Arras, Bartholomew the chancellor and Archibald, count of Bourbon are mentioned as envoys at this time. Everard of Breteuil, Manasses of Bulles, Anselm, seneschal of Flanders and Everard of Barres are indicated later as being their colleagues, during a struggle with Pechenegs. There may have been others
Certainty: 2 The itinerary of Louis VII's journey to Constantinople. For the benefit of future pilgrims, Odo of Deuil set out Louis VII's itinerary in a schematic way, with an indication of the time required for sections of the journey. Metz - Worms (3 days), - Wurzburg (3 days), - Ratisbon (Regensburg) (3 days), - Passau (3 days), - Klosterneuburg (5 days), - Hungarian border (1 day), Hungary (15 days) - Belgrade, - Brandiz, (1 day) - Nis (4 days), - Hesternis (Sofia) (4 days), - Philippopolis (4 days), - Adrianople (4 days), - Constantinople (5 days). [The journey times have been regarded as impossibly short, perhaps reflecting Odo's predictions for an ideal crusading army]
Certainty: 2 Defensive preparations made at Constantinople in advance of the arrival of the crusaders. Manuel I repaired the walls and seems to have covered them with bright fabrics. The main image used is that of New Rome as an aged female, in need of renovatio from Manuel, involving cosmetics, bridal clothes etc.
Certainty: 2 Louis VII & the Hungarian pretender Boris. Boris the Hungarian pretender had written to Louis VII at Etampes explaining his claim on the throne of Hungary, but had failed to gain support from Conrad III. Boris now, with the help of two nobles in the French army, attached himself to the French as they began their march through Hungary. Meanwhile Geza II welcomed Louis to Hungary, but stayed beyond the Danube, begging Louis to cross to meet him. Louis graciously did so with an escort, and the two embraced, exchanged gifts and established conditions for the passage of the crusade. But soon after Geza discovered that Boris was with the French army. He at once sent men to rewrite the treaty to make Louis give Boris up, and they looked for him in the French camp, making him run away. He fled half-naked, and tried to steal a horse; when he was brought as a thief before Louis, the king with difficulty (through problems of language) established who he was. Louis held a council, facing a difficult decision: on one side, Boris's individual rights, on the other, those of their new ally Geza. After some discussion, they kept the status quo, pleasing Boris but not Geza
Certainty: 2 The French met the Byzantines: Odo of Deuil documented Greek treachery. During the advance of Louis VII beyond Hungary into Byzantine lands, Odo convicted the Greeks of many breaches of faith, e.g. falsifying the exchange rate and letting food down in baskets rather than offering the promised market. It was unsure how far this was justified by German (and even French) attacks. Other Greek tricks he described included trying to send both Germans and French via the Dardanelles, giving a false guide, making some Frenchmen in the capital cross the straits with the Germans, attacking others (sometimes with godless Pechenegs), allying with the Turks, making false promises and insisting on heretical practices
Certainty: 2 Secret desires & plans of Conrad III. According to the rhetor Manganeios Prodromos, Conrad III had a secret plan to attack Constantinople and put a Latin on the patriarchal throne. He described Conrad's thoughts in the first person. Manganeios attacked him via comparisons with many Old Testament villains
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes after a dream suggested that Manuel make full use of the Cumans. Tzetzes wrote to Manuel I suggesting that he ally himself with the cavalry of the Scyths [probably Cumans rather than Pechenegs.] The advice was based on a dream, which he related. He spent a sleepless night from mosquitoes, then fell into a fitful sleep. He dreamed he met the goldsmith Basileios in the market of Leo Makellos. This almost illiterate man was reading the Skythika of Dexippos near the shop of the perfumer Stratonikos Kondos. Then Tzetzes added extra unexpected details to the dream, and by torutous arguments concluded that the message of the dream was advice to he emperor to ally himself with the Cuman cavalry [humour surely plays a part here, though the Second Crusade was imminent]
Certainty: 2 Fighting between Egyptians & al-Afdal Ridwan.
Certainty: 2 Louis VII well treated as the French crusaders passed through Serdica. As the army proceeded, Louis VII was always well received by Greek priests. But when he passed through Serdica, the doux, an imperial relative, was also very attentive, staying near him and ministering to his needs. Thus he kept the townspeople safe and also the pilgrims comfortable. Louis shared the generosity of the doux with his army, rich and poor
Certainty: 2 Conrad suffered major losses in a flood at Choirobakchoi, but remained intransigent. Conrad III and his men camped and went to sleep at Choirobakchoi by the little stream Melas. In the night there was a rainstorm and the Melas turned into a raging torrent, sweeping away many German knights, horses, weapons, supplies and possessions of all kinds, though his army remained huge. This was seen by some Byzantines as a splendid miracle of the Theotokos. After these losses he was rather chastened by helplessness before the wrath of God and puzzled that even the elements supported his enemies. He grieved and became a little less proud. After the flood he was consoled by aristocrats sent by Manuel I, and was invited to discussions. His request that Manuel himself come out to meet him was ignored
Certainty: 3 Death of Alvisus, arcbishop of Arras; the mourning of the French army. Alvisus, arcbishop of Arras, had been sent ahead as one of the envoys to Constantinople, but at Philippopolis he succumbed to a long illness and died. He asked his colleagues, since he would be no longer with them on the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, to sing the service for him in advance, and they did so. The ceremonies for his death were repeated by Louis VII and the French army when they reached Philippopolis
Certainty: 2 Conrad damaged the Philopation, but realised the City was impregnable & crossed to Pikridion. Conrad III as he approached the City with increasing despair, came to the beautiful hunting lodge of the Philopation, burst in and destroyed most of it, under the eyes of Manuel I, whose palace (Blachernai) had a good view in that direction. From there Conrad saw that the city was impregnable, then crossed the bridge above the Golden Horn and camped at Pikridion. The Byzantines were amazed to see female crusaders riding astride, especially the specaciular "Chrysopous".
Certainty: 2 Second Crusade travelled to Constantinople & was well managed by Manuel I (general factoids). [William of Tyre oversimplified his version by treating Conrad III and Louis VII with a single narrative, till they crossed to Asia. Some details are inaccurate for one or both sovreigns.] Conrad and Louis set out separately. They traversed Bavaria, crossed the Danube at Ratisbon, were well received in Hungary, passed through Bulgaria, went via Philippopolis and Adrianople in Thrace, and reached the capital. There they had a friendly discussion with Manuel I, rested for a time after their long journeys, crossed the Hellespont into Asia and camped at Chalcedon, opposite Constantinople
Certainty: 2 Mas'ud of Ikonion, terrified by reports of the crusade, tried to prepare for its arrival. Mas'ud of Ikonion was extremely alarmed by reports of the massive size of the armies of Conrad III and Louis IX, which were magnified still further by rumours. He felt in danger of losing his realm, so he refortified his cities and rebuilt his castles. He sought aid from everywhere to maximise the possibility of defence
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes reassured the wife of the megas hetaireiarches that Constantinople was very strong. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote to reassure the wife of the megas hetairarches that the city of Constantinople was very strong. He stressed the importance of its walls, and declared that the history of the city showed a succession of emperors who each contributed to the urban fabric and its protection. To judge from the letter, his correspondent was nervous about the approach of the armies of the Second Crusade, the circulation of gloomy prophecies and an ominous dream
Certainty: 2 Roger II of Sicily raided Central Greece during the Second Crusade. While the disruption caused by the Second Crusade was at its height, Roger II of Sicily made a destructive raid on central Greece. Greek sources are uncertain whether his was planned with Conrad III or independently. Revenge for the failure of Roger's project to secure a Byzantine bride for his son may have played a role. [The fuller narrative of Choniates has been preferred here to that of Kinnamos, at the few points where they diverge.] The Sicilian admiral went first to Kerkyra, where he exploited dissatisfaction with the exactions of Gymnos, who (as governor or tax collector) collected taxes in a demanding and overbearing way. The admiral thus talked his way into the city without fighting, introducing a garrison of a thousand knights; the citizens exchanged one burden for something worse. Having garrisoned Kerkyra and strengthened the walls, he sailed to Monemvasia, but was beaten off. He returned past Malea, attacking places large and small, outside then inside the Gulf of Corinth. Later he moved overland to storm Thebes, extorting money and goods, making citizens swear to lists of their wealth, taking prisoners, male and female, and loading his warships like merchantmen. Finding no opposition, he sailed to Corinth, and soon took Akrokorinthos, as its commander Nikephoros Chalouphes failed to defend a very strong position. Again he plundered everything, including an icon of St Theodoros Stratelates, took noble prisoners, and sailed low in the water to Kerkyra. Thus after the crusaders left the city for Asia, Manuel I had to recover territory and punish aggression
Certainty: 2 After a Byzantine victory in a skirmish, Conrad was induced to cross to Asia. Conrad III's stay at Pikridion showed typical barbarian mood-swings. His aggressive behaviour was interpreted by some as an attack on the capital, but he was eventually pushed to cross to Damalis by Manuel's Cuman troops. He first sent an aggressive letter demanding the imperial dromon to cross the strait; when Manuel I replied in a derisive way he crossed on a wretched little rowing-boat. In fact the numbers needing to cross were so great that every boat, of every size and kind, had to be commandeered. Conrad was remanded to restore conquered lands to Byzantium. Manuel and the Byzantines breathed a sigh of relief at his departure. Manganeios Prodromos regarded this as a great victory won with the aid of the Theotokos, an almost bloodless victory very different from the bloody battles around Nicaea. It completed the victories over westerners begun by Alexios during the First Crusade and continued by Ioannes II at Antioch
Certainty: 2 Refusal of French advance party to follow the Germans. Three crusading leaders, the brothers Stephanos, bishop of Metz, and Renaud, count of Moncon, together with Henry, bishop of Toul, arrived in Contantinople around the same time as Conrad III. However they could not bear the Germans, and so they decided, with their considerable army, to wait for Louis VII. This was not permitted by Manuel I and the Byzantines, whose agreement with Conrad III stipulated that none of his men should remain behind. They forced them, by harrying them and cutting off food, to cross the straits. A tense situation was defused by the ambassadors of Louis VII, who were waiting for him in the capital. They intervened to arrange that Stephanos, Renaud, Henry and their men should wait beyond the straits, with a suitable market
Certainty: 2 Other early French arrivals fought Byzantine troops, so as to stay near the capital. Manuel I and the Byzantines tried to move on with Conrad III French groups arrivingSearly in the capital, using Pecheneg and Cuman troops, whose perceived paganism caused offence. Some Frenchmen organised a defensive position and resisted heroically, despite lack of provisions. When negotiations broke down, they resisted again. Manuel's decisions caused angry reactions from the envoys of Louis VII: some (like Everard of Breteuil, Manasses of Bulles and Anselm, seneschal of Flanders) fought with the French protesters, others (like Everard of Barres, Bartholomaios, Louis' chancellor and Archibald of Bourbon protested violently on their behalf. Finally he ordered the beleaguered Frenchmen to camp, with a market, immediately under his eyes at the foot of Blachernai; the French suspected that this was the only way he could control his pagan steppe-nomad troops
Certainty: 2 Losses sustained by William de Warenne & Godfrey, archbishop of Langres. Among the iniquities of the Byzantines during the march of Louis VII to Constantinople was their aggression towards small French detachments: both William de Warenne and Godfrey, archbishop of Langres, and others, sent forces forward to prepare for arrival at the capital, but neither force was strong enough to survive. Both suffered losses of men and material
Certainty: 2 Conrad refused Manuel's offer of alliance, but accepted gifts & guides & left (Kinnamos). Manuel bribed some of the army of Conrad III to cause trouble and humiliate him. Conrad requested a guide, and Manuel sent Stephanos the akolouthos, who also delivered a proposal for an alliance against the Turks, which was rejected. Manuel gave Conrad some swift horses, which he soon lost
Certainty: 2 Division in the army of Conrad III: Otto of Freisingen took the coast road. At Nikomedeia Conrad III's forces were faced by three alternative roads: the direct route via Ikonion, the coastal route and an intermediate way. Conrad took the direct route with the most powerful part of the army; his brother, Otto of Freisingen, went via the coast road with the rest of the army. Odo of Deuil (and others) speak of a disagreement
Certainty: 2 Louis VII approached Constantinople. Louis VII, like Conrad III before him, had to resist firm Byzantine pressure to cross at the Dardanelles rather than the Bosporos. Unlike Conrad, as he approached the city, he sent to offer full co-operation. There was some correspondence between the empress Eirene and queen Eleanor of Aquitaine. There was a party in the French army that wanted Louis to capture the city, in collaboration with Roger II, who was boldly attacking the area of Greece. To the later disappointment of Odo of Deuil (on behalf of all of the Latin faith), he refused to listen. A day's journey from Constantinople, he met his own ambassadors, and was fully briefed about recent events there
Certainty: 3 Louis was royally entertained by the Byzantines & his men well fed. Louis VII was welcomed to Constantinople by a large number of dignitaries, clerical and lay, who insistently invited him to an audience in the palace with Manuel I. He agreed (apparently not without condescension), entered with a few companions, and was given a low sellion near the imperial throne. The two rulers, equal in age and stature but not in clothing and manners, held a good discussion through an interpeter. Manuel's manner was gracious and graceful, but in French eyes would prove insincere. After the interview in the palace Louis was lodged at the Philopation and was guided by Manuel I around the holy places in the capital, then invited to a sumptuous and beautiful dinner. Many feared for his safety, but he had complete faith in God's providence. While he remained outside Constantinople, waiting for those who had chosen the route via Italy, his men were offered an adequate market from a ship, with a rate of exchange which was acceptable, but did not last for long after they left the capital. On the feast of St Denis, which occurred while Louis was outside Constantinople, the emperor Manuel (who also celebrated it and understood its significance for Louis) sent a group of priestly chanters to the French army; they made an excellent impression with their decorated tapers and varied voices
Certainty: 2 Vandalism & anti-Byzantine sentiment in the French army outside Constantinople. Odo of Deuil suspected the complete submissiveness of Byzantine behaviour while Louis VII was in Constantinople, believing they would not have been so servile without ulterior motives. He stigmatised apparent kindness as showing up Byzantine falsity, in view of later events. But Odo also accepted that French burning of houses and olive trees was a provocation, especially when it was pointless, drunken vandalism. Louis tried to restrain his men from such acts by exemplary mutilations, but was unwilling to punish enough of his troops in this brutal way to keep the peace. The leader of anti-Byzantine sentiment was Godfey, bishop of Langres, who was supported by Odo in his text. Godfrey declared that the French should attack the City. He stressed the weakness of its defences and defenders, its dominant position in the empire (obviating the need for other fighting), and its rulers' purely nominal Christianity, shown in attacks on Antioch. He said that Ioannes II captured Antiochene cities, replacing Catholic bishops by heretics. Instead of uniting Christians, he tried to destroy them with aid from infidels, so died from a minor wound; Manuel I kept Ioannes' gains and hoped for more, exacting homage from Raymond of Poitiers and choosing a rival patriarch. Others suggested legal reasons for these actions, and said that a crusade should not enrich itself by attacking Christians - an action which would place the crusaders outside the definition of the crusade made by Eugenius III and put his indulgencies in doubt. But Godfrey would (in Odo's view) have carried the day if the Byzantines had not tricked them
Certainty: 2 Byzantine trickery made Louis VII cross the straits to Asia. Manuel I and his men wished to transport Louis VII and his army over to Asia, but did not dare urge them directly. They therefore reduced the amount of food in the market, though they continued to provide some. They also spread false rumours of German successes: that Conrad and his army had killed 18,000 Turks, had captured Ikonion and written offering to return it to Byzantine hands. Louis' men were envious of the glory and booty the Germans must have acquired, and forced their own king to make the crossing. Manuel swiftly assembled a considerable fleet for the purpose, thus showing the strength of his desire to have the French cross. After waiting for five days on the European side, Louis waited a further five on the Asiatic side, suffering Byzantine treachery. [Rumours of Conrad's success appear at a different point in William of Tyre, when Louis was already in Asia, in the context of treacherous behaviour by guides provided for Conrad by Manuel.]
Certainty: 2 The French & the Byzantine money-changers. Buying of food and changing of money took place on ships, where the money-changers' tables were full of cash and objects in precious metals often sold by crusaders in exchange for Byzantine currency. A Flemish robber saw this, and was inflamed by greed for the wealth on display. With like-minded men, he seized objects of value and began a riot, forcing the Byzantine money-changers to flee for their lives, taking with them on the ships some crusaders who were bargaining for necessities. These were manhandled in revenge. Louis faced a complete breakdown in the provision of food. He demanded the guilty Fleming from the Count of Flanders, received him and hung him on the spot in full view of the City. He then had to deal with the money-changers and the captured crusaders. He demanded the return of everything stolen from the Byzantines, promising to pardon those who complied and hang those who did not. To avoid scaring the thieves, he asked for things to be returned to the bishop of Langres. The next day the money-changers returned, and received all they swore they had lost, Louis himself making up the shortfall. He sent envoys to Manuel I, Arnulf of Lisieux and Bartholomaios the Chancellor, to ask for the return of the captured crusaders and the renewal of a market. Arnulf and Bartholomaios went early to Manuel's palace, but were not seen that day, receiving neither food nor beds. In an audience the next day they found Manuel much less tractable than previously. Arnulf spoke with enough eloquence to persuade anyone but the poisonous snake Manuel had become, and succeeded in part: a market (albeit a scanty one) was provided, redress discussed for pilgrims who had lost possessions, and further meetings planned. But Arnulf had to leave as he was faint through lack of food
Certainty: 2 Near Dorylaion German indiscipline led to defeat by a small Turkish force (Kinnamos). Mamplanes, a local Turkish commander, was encouraged by letters from Manuel I to attack the German army near Bathys in the area of Dorylaion. He used a small force to test their strength and discipline, pretending flight. The Germans pursued them till exhaustion, showing their military incompetence, and many were killed. Conrad lost the fast horses Manuel had given him, and was nearly captured
Certainty: 2 The disastrous defeat of Conrad III (Odo of Deuil). The Germans faced three possible routes from Nicaea to Antioch: the short, dangerous road via Ikonion, the long, tortuous coast road, and a compromise route, later followed by Louis VII. The Germans divided: the warlike majority went with Conrad on the Ikonion road, while the baggage train was led around the coast by his brother Otto, bishop of Freising. Odo of Deuil lays the blame on the guide provided by Manuel I (Stephanos the akolouthos?) [it is noteworthy that texts more dependent on Conrad himself do not accuse the Byzantines]. The guide told the Germans to equip themselves at Nicaea with provisions for eight days, when more food was needed, so that they became hungry, and then were led further astray. Having deliberately lost the Germans in the mountains, it was alleged, and exhausted them by hunger, the guide left the army in the night and called large Turkish forces. In the morning the Germans could not find him, but saw that surrounding peaks were occupied by Turks. After this betrayal, Conrad and his council had to choose between two bad alternatives, to go forward or retreat. To advance seemed to mean certain death, to retreat gave hope of safety with some dishonour, and they reluctantly chose the second, hard-pressed by hunger. Only the men of Bernard, count of Plotzkau, had weapons and strength to protect the German army and allow an orderly retreat; but people wasted energy and time in looking for food, and the Turks became bolder. One evening the army crossed a mountain while Bernard was still helping the weak on the other side; thus isolated, he was surrounded and killed. After this, the Germans were much more exposed to Turkish attacks, and no point in the army was safe from their arrows; Conrad himself was twice wounded, and losses were very heavy, before they reached Nicaea
Certainty: 2 The disastrous defeat of Conrad III (William of Tyre). Conrad farewelled Manuel I and advanced to Nikomedeia, then on the shortest route to Ikonion. Mas'ud, sultan of Ikonion, had sent emergency demands for help all over the east, and assembled an army at Ikonion with which he could face the crusaders. As he left, Conrad asked Manuel for expert guides, but they proved untrustworthy. They suggested that the army use a short cut through country offering no food, carrying provisions with them for a fixed number of days, and the Germans complied. But whether on Manuel's orders or bribed by the Turks, they led the Germans not towards the fertile area of Ikonion, but into a wilderness exposed to Turkish attack. After the set number of days, food was scarce and they had not reached their goal. Conrad interrogated the guides before his nobles. They lied that they would arrive in three days; Conrad believed them. Next morning, the guides had vanished, thus openly confessing guilt. They went to tell the French army nearby that Conrad had been successful, either wanting to stop the French coming to help him, or to save themselves from punishment for misleading him. When Conrad realised he no longer had guides, there was dissension whether to go forward or back. They had no more food or fodder, and a large Turkish army appeared, as planned, it was said, by Manuel I, who distrusted all westerners, especially Germans, for usurping the imperial title. Conrad's army was hungry, lost, exhausted, on difficult roads, with few fit horses and heavy baggage. The Turks, with none of these problems, won a great victory. Though the Germans were better man-for-man, they were crushed by Turkish mobility, killed or captured, and only a tenth of the army escaped to Nicaea with Conrad. It was not Mas'ud, but Paramuni, another general, who won this victory. The Turks, having destroyed the larger crusading army, now waited for the smaller, that of Louis VII
Certainty: 2 Louis VII accepted a Byzantine alliance & departed. Before negotiations began for a treaty, there was for some days a dispute over the venue, forcing the French to eat food set apart for the journey. Manuel wanted discussions in the palace, Louis insisted on a more neutral Asian venue, or perhaps a ship. Manuel revealed his terms: a kinswoman of Louis was to marry one of his nephews, and Louis' barons were to pay homage to Manuel. Manuel offered guides, markets where he could, and allowed plundering where there was no market, if plundered towns were returned empty to him; he also promised rich presents. Further delays were caused by the arrival of Amadeus, count of Maurienne, William III of Montferrat and William, count of Auvergne and others, who had come via Italy. The Byzantines, contrary to usual practice, did not hurry the new arrivals to cross to Asia. Therefore major French nobles plundered nearby areas for food to take on the journey, and bought a boat to enlarge the market and greet the latecomers. Robert, count of Perche, saved his kinswoman from marriage by abducting her and taking her to Nikomedeia, also avoiding the payment of homage. Manuel's terms were discussed by the French barons and bishops. Nobody liked the idea of homage to Manuel, Godfrey of Langres calling it an insult to Louis and asking again for an attack on the capital. His opponents, who were in the majority, spoke of the multiple allegiances common among French barons and insisted on peace among Christians. When the latecomers were shipped over, Louis ordered the army to move. This spurred Manuel to arrange discussions in a fort near the sea, protected by the Byzantine fleet. Louis was annoyed at the delay and the demand for homage from his barons, but turned back with the flower of his army and agreed to Byzantine terms, anxious to promote the Crusade. The terms had changed little: Louis should capture no places owned by Manuel, Manuel should send guides who would provide a market wherever possible, and otherwise allow plunder (plundered places to be left vacant). Homage from the French barons was met with imperial gifts
Certainty: 3 Significance of the treaty - & of an eclipse of the sun. Manuel I, in making the treaty with Louis VII, tried to recruit him as an ally against Roger II of Sicily, who was attacking the area of Greece. Manuel failed, perhaps because of the anti-Byzantine faction in the French army, which wanted an alliance with Roger to attack the capital. Manuel stopped the market for the French after a few days and did not send guides promised in the treaty. As Louis was still catching up with his army (on October 26), after signing the treaty, there was a partial eclipse of the sun, which some in the French army interpreted as harm done to their king. In fact it signified another misdeed of Manuel's, since he had allegedly removed guides from Conrad III at a crucial moment, leading to a terrible massacre of his men. The eclipse was partial since it referred only to half of the Crusade, as Louis was still boldly advancing
Certainty: 2 The French army reached Nikomedeia, Nicaea & Lopadion, meeting German survivors. The first Frenchman mentioned at Nikomedia was Robert, count of Perche, who went there to avoid the terms of the treaty with Manuel I. When Odo of Deuil arrived, he saw evidence in the ruins of the city of the former glory of Byzantium and the inertia of current Byzantines. When the French reached the Lake of Nicaea they heard from messengers that Conrad III had reached Nicaea in retreat, the remnants of his army starving and in despair. Many died before they reached Constantinople, since the Byzantines exploited their weakness. The kings of the Poles and Czechs were also present. Frederick, duke of Swabia was the first to bring the news to Louis and organise a meeting. Conrad himself heard that Louis was near Nicaea, and hastened to meet him, gaining sympathy, encouragement and some material aid. It was decided that Conrad was to regroup and buy food, then rejoin Louis, who waited at Lopadion for their journey to continue. But the exhausted German army could not defend itself from exploitation and even violence from local people, and so Conrad had to ask for a French force to bury his dead and preserve his men to Lopadion. Ivo of Nesle, constable and count of Soissons, was able to perform this task; without him, the Germans might have been wiped out. When Conrad reached Lopadion, he camped near Louis and made him a speech with Stephanos, bishop of Metz, as interpreter. Conrad frankly acknowledged his exhaustion and military helplessness, blaming his own former lack of humility, not the Byzantines, and asking for Louis' aid, which he arranged to give. He chose French counts and bishops to associate with the Germans to stiffen their strength and morale, among them Amadeus of Maurienne, William of Montferrat, Stephanos, bishop of Metz and Renaud of Moncon. He also arranged for Conrad to be lodged together with himself
Certainty: 2 Prompted by Odo of Deuil, Louis VII reminded Conrad III of problems in Germany. Before the combined armies of Louis VII and Conrad III reached Esseron (Achyraus?), Odo of Deuil reminded Louis that Conrad and Frederick of Swabia were harming St Denis by retaining Esslingen (Swabia) and the castle of Estusin (Alsace). Pope Eugenius III had talked of excommunication in the case at Easter. Louis undertook the task with enthusiasm. He asked them first in private then in public; Conrad's reply was first ambiguous, in the hope that Louis would soon tire, but the emperor was later forced to a refusal. Odo made a report to Suger of St Denis irrelevant to his narrative: Louis, for whom Suger should pray, had been doing the work of St Denis even in Anatolia
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote three times with advice to Ioannes Triphyles in Thessalonike. Tzetzes wrote three letters to Ioannes Tripyles, who had gone to live and work in Thessalonike, and was having difficulty in adapting to his new surroundings and a demanding job. The first letter addressed him with Homeric quotations, and advised him to exploit the situation to his advantage rather than feeling trapped by it. The second thanked Triphyles for sending his charming father to the capital with a book, and asked him to greet for him some common friends in Thessalonike: Theodoros, Eustratios and the nephew of Konstantinos, metropolitan of Thessalonike. The third letter merely encouraged Triphyles to write to him
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote three very brief letters to anonymous persons. He told the father of a silly child to make him more sensible, if he was worthy of the name of father. He told a slanderer that he saw everything but himself. He accused a pedantic critic of his writing of thinking his own errors were the work of genius
Certainty: 2 Praise of Manuel for defeating leaders of the Second Crusade. The arrival of the Second Crusade at Constantinople is often described as an attack, especially on the part of Conrad III, who is much more prominent in Byzantine texts that Louis VII. The attack was splendidly beaten off by Manuel I, almost without bloodshed, in contrast to the bloody battles around Ikonion in 1146
Certainty: 2 Nikolaos Mouzalon was promoted patriarch. Nikolaos IV Mouzalon was chosen as patriarch at a time of great troubles in the church [because of the alleged Bogomilism of his predecesor]; there was a new dawn in the patriarchate. But very soon he was attacked as ineligible, as having given up priesthood 37 years before as he resigned the see of Cyprus. Other sources claim hat when he abdicated from Cyprus it was only the administration of the see he gave up, not the office of archbishop or the priesthood
Certainty: 2 Otto of Freisingen near Laodikeia on the Lykos. As the army of Otto of Freisingen passed Laodikeia on the Lykos, it lost one of its bravest commanders, the count Bernard, in circumstances resembling the recent death of Bernard, count of Plotzkau. The Byzantine military commander of Laodikeia, who should have led count Bernard to safety from the mountains, led him straight into a Turkish ambush, where he and most of his men were killed. The Byzantine shared the spoils with the Turks
Certainty: 2 Louis VII & Conrad III advanced down the coast, spending Christmas near Ephesos. A discussion arose whether the combined army should go directly to Philadelphia (a brief journey but with few supplies), or should follow a more coastal route, where food would be more plentiful. Conrad spoke of the enervating effect of hunger, and supported the latter. Louis was persuaded by his plea to choose the longer coast road, with more food. The first coastal section (to Adramyttion) involved climbing, fording streams and the loss of baggage animals, enriching the local people. It continued to cross mountains and swift torrents in deep, dangerous channels. There were ruined cities and others with new fortifications, from which they obtained food, but not enough, because of crusader insolence and profiteering Byzantines who could almost charge what they liked. His military strength was little help against walled cities on the coast with ships. Many pilgrims left the crusade on shipboard or stayed to serve local Byzantines. Louis was told that he was fortunate, despite his troubles, because more rain might have made the route totally impassable. They reached Pergamon, Smyrna and Ephesos, with the tomb of Hagios Ioannes; he there received letters from Manuel I, warning of a great mobilisation of Turks, and advising him to take refuge in Byzantine castles. He refused, and received other letters listing French crimes and threatening reprisals. He did not deign to reply, but went to spend Christmas in the valley of Decervion near Ephesos. There, on Christmas Eve, they repelled a surprise attack on their horses by Turks guided by Byzantines. they spent a pleasant Christmas, but under heavy rain. Guy, count of Ponthieu, died of disease and was buried in the porch of the church
Certainty: 2 Conrad III decided to return from Ephesos to Constantinople. As the comined German and French crusader armies moved south Kinnamos reports increasing friction. The French abused the Germans with the cry "Budge, German". Conrad III wrote to Manuel I revealing his plan to return. [Kinnamos is probably wrong in saying that he wrote from Philadelphia, for Odo of Deuil describes a coastal journey.] He may have been motivated by shame, because of his reduced state, or by French arrogance. Manuel, no longer fearing Conrad, maybe wishing to keep the kings divided, wrote to him as to a relation and fellow-Christian who had fallen on hard times, offering help. Conrad returned from Ephesos to Constantinople for the winter, and was honourably received
Certainty: 3 Victory of Louis VII at the Maiander. Louis VII [whom Choniates wrongly implied to be Conrad III] came to a halt at the Maiander, which was in flood and defended by Turkish forces on the further bank. The enemy also occupied the tops of surrounding mountains, and prepared to harry his men on the plain before he crossed. According to Choniates, he prepared his knights the day before, then rose early and delivered an inspirational speech along traditional crusader lines. In Odo of Deuil, the battle was started by the Turks, who sent forces to drive the French into the river at a point where it would be hard to fight their way out. Three counts, Henry of Meaux, Thierry of Flanders and William of Macon took the lead like whirlwinds, and the other knights also were able to cross the river. Louis himself scattered the Turks to his rear. As the enemy had not adopted good defensive positions he succeeded in inflicting a mighty victory with terrible casualties. An amir was captured and executed. Milo of Nogent, who was drowned, was the only significant French casualty. Manuel I showed himself an open enemy of the crusaders by allowing the defeated Turks refuge in his little nearby city of Antioch on the Maiander. [Though Odo of Deuil describes a slightly different battle, this is the only possible event to which Choniates may have referred.]
Certainty: 3 Louis VII was unable to find enough food at Laodikeia on the Lykos. The Byzantine commander of Laodikeia on the Lykos perhaps felt guilty over the affair of count Bernard and afraid of Louis IX and the French. He therefore (?) emptied Laodikeia of food, so that the French army, despite its wealth and power, could at first find none. The action was the more wicked, as the man knew that no further food would be available for the next fortnight, as the army went on to Attaleia. Louis, as always, consulted very widely, but nobody could solve the problem; the army scoured the whole area, but found few people with food. After wasting a day in this search, he set out, with enemies both in front and behind his army. He found many corpses from the army of Otto of Freising, and then had to face the forces which had killed them
Certainty: 3 Disobedience of Geoffrey of Rancon & Amadeus of Maurienne exposed the French army to attack.
Louis and his army approached a mountain which he planned to use a whole day in crossing. Unfortunately, Geoffrey of Rancon and Amadeus, count of Maurienne, who were chosen to scout for a campsite for that night, being unencumbered, pushed ahead quickly and decided to extend the distance covered that day, disobeying instructions. Those behind them, thinking they were near their goal, slowed down, thus stretching out the army, dangerously exposing it to enemy attack. The Turks seized the opportunity. [Odo of Deuil, writing as an eyewitness within a few months, makes the planned campsite at the foot of the mountain, and the advance party, apparently quite small, climbs to the top. William of Tyre puts the campsite at the top of the mountain, and sends Geoffrey of Rancon down the other side with more than half the army. Both agree in placing the successful Turkish attack on the upward slope.]
Certainty: 3 There were serious French losses in a battle on a mountain just beyond Laodikeia. Louis was guarding the rear when he realised that the mass of the army and the baggage train in front of him was beginning to climb the dangerous mountain with little protection. They were terrified of the steep path and sheer precipices, fearing to be dislodged by falling soldiers and animals and the attacks of an increasingly bold enemy. As he lost more men and animals into the ravine, he pushed forward, but could do little, as much of the army clung to the path without advancing; only after nightfall did the destruction stop. He was unprotected by infantry and archers, having not planned to cross the mountain that evening. He and his small but famous bodyguard pushed through from the rear to attack the forces killing the centre of his army; but horses were useless on the steep path, and the nobles became sitting targets. Louis himself had to climb a rock by grasping tree roots, and defend it against many enemies; luckily he was not recognised. He escaped from the rock, found a horse, and spent the night with his army. All rejoiced to see him alive, but as he was alone and bloody they mourned his lost bodyguard: William de Warenne, Everard of Breteuil, Manasses of Bulles, Gautier of Montjay, Itiers of Meingnac and many others. Geoffrey of Rancon would have been hung by popular demand for disobeying orders, if Amadeus of Maurienne had not been equally guilty: the latter's status as royal relative made it hard to punish him
Certainty: 3 Louis VII's army marched to Attaleia under Templar discipline. After men and material were lost in the battle, Louis VII led the army forward more cautiously, trying generously to help those who had lost their property amid increasing enemy attacks. As the army advanced, there came to be a severe shortage of provisions; they also had no guides, so that the army advanced haphazardly into Pamphylia, over steep mountains and deep valleys. Fortunately there was little or no contact with the enemy. Louis admired the example set by Everard of Barres and the Templars in piety and skill in protecting the persons and possessions of their men, and so decided to use Templar discipline and commanders on the march. A certain Giselbert was appointed commander for the French army under Templar control, with several colleagues, each of whom was assigned 50 knights; rules were set to impose collective discipline, rather than allowing individual reaction, as before. They applied especially to noblemen who lost their horses and were now on foot. In this way, by a kind of pact of mutual aid, his army descended the dangerous mountain and crossed two muddy rivers, dragging the weak horses behind them. Orders were given for a concerted attack on the Turks between the rivers, and Louis won one victory, and four more before Attaleia. The dying horses at least secured a supply of meat
Certainty: 3 Conrad III met Manuel I in Thrace & wintered in Constantinople. Conrad III welcomed Manuel's friendly letter, and returned via the Hellespont to Thrace, where he was met by Manuel and conducted to the capital. There a winter of palaces, spectacles, horse-races and brilliant receptions restored his health; he was then sent on to Palestine
Certainty: 3 Louis VII at Attaleia: five weeks of debate & dissension, then departure by ship. Once the nobles confirmed the treaty with Landulf, the messenger of Manuel I, the men had enough food, though it was expensive. But there was no fodder for the surviving horses, which were exhausted and starving, and so Louis decided to leave. They learned that the route on from Attaleia was much easier by sea than by land. The sea voyage, unless there were storms, would take three days, while land travel faced delays from the terrain and lack of food. All wondered if the Byzantines could gather sufficient ships at a good price. As it seemed unlikely there would be enough for the whole army, they wondered how to divide it. Louis wanted to take the knights by land, leaving the ships for the infantry; but many of the knights' horses were dead or dying, and they would only agree if they could find others. When it proved impossible to find enough of adequate strength, the barons forced Louis to promise to take them by sea. Landulf and the governor ot Attaleia promised more ships, but the weather was poor for five weeks. The price of food rose still higher. Louis cowed the Turks by defeating them using the remaining horses. A few very expensive ships appeared, and were divided among the bishops and barons; they wondered how long to wait for ships for the others, as life in Attaleia was now very expensive, and the city was too strong to take by force or treachery. Louis was then approached by those without ships, who no longer believed more would come. They asked to set out now overland, trusting in military force against the Turks rather than being bled white by treacherous Byzantines. He accepted their plan, tried to make arrangements for their safety, and left by ship
Certainty: 3 Arrangements for the French army left behind in Attaleia. LouisVII before leaving gave his men generous gifts, and to promote their safety paid 500 marks to Landulf, Manuel I's messenger, and the governor of Attaleia to take invalid pilgrims for recuperation inside the city. They were also to lead the remaining army past two local rivers and send them off to Tarsos with an escort. Theobald of Flanders and Archibald of Bourbon remained to oversee this process. Soon after Louis left, the Turks attacked the French army, which was waiting for the guides promised in the agreement. Theobald and Archibald with difficulty managed to defend the army, then demanded that the Byzantine leaders fulfil their part of the bargain. They refused, citing the threat of the Turks and winter weather. There followed long and fruitless discussions in which the Byzantines behaved dishonourably, and offered the French barons scant board and lodging. Finally the two French barons left in fury, having neither performed their task nor taken vengeance for the wrongs they endured. The French army continued to suffer terribly from the Byzantines, so that even the Turks took pity on them
Certainty: 2 Louis VII safely reached Antioch. After spending five weeks in Attaleia, Louis VII had to pass another three weeks in reaching Antioch, as some of his ships were battered without suffering shipwreck. He arrived safely, and Odo of Deuil was able to complete his history with an encomium of the king, addressed to abbot Suger. William of Tyre, however, speaks of a short sea voyage with favourable winds, before Louis put into St Simeon, port of Antioch
Certainty: 2 Louis VII & queen Eleanor at Antioch. Raymond of Poitiers, the prince of Antioch, with all his nobles welcomed Louis VII to Antioch, conducting him into the city, where he was greeted by clergy and citizens. Raymond had long planned to use Louis to expand his principality, and so sent him many rich gifts before he set out from France. He also hoped to employ his relation, Eleanor of Aquitaine, Louis' queen and companion on the crusade, to exercise influence over him. He continued his generosity towards Louis and his chief barons after their arrival in Antioch, planning to campaign with them and capture Aleppo, Shayzar and other places held by the Muslims. The idea was practicable one, if only he could have persuaded Louis, whose military reputation was intimidating. Raymond proposed his military plans privately to some of the French leaders, then put a more formal proposal to a general meeting, stressing that the result would be glorious and not too difficult. However Louis piously refused, wanting to fulfil his crusading vows at once in Jerusalem. Once Raymond realised that Louis' refusal of co-operation was final, his attitude changed. Instead of being a positive host, he began to plot to harm him. He even tried to remove his wife Eleanor from him, forcibly or by guile, an undertaking in which she foolishly co-operated. When he realised Raymond's intentions and Eleanor's reactions, he took advice from his barons and left Antioch at once. A visit which began gloriously ended ignominiously, some blaming Louis himself, for refusing a reasonable military proposal from a generous host
Certainty: 2 Odo of Deuil sent his completed history with a dedication to Suger of St Denis. While he was still involved in the Second Crusade (presumably at Antioch or soon after his departure from there), he sent his completed history of it with a dedication to abbot Suger
Certainty: 2 Wedding of Ioannes, son of the sebastokratorissa, with a prokypsis.
Certainty: 2 Leaders of the Second Crusade reassembled in Jerusalem. After being splendidly entertained by Manuel I, Conrad III was sent to Palestine with Byzantine money and a fleet commanded by Nikephoros Dasiotes. He and his nobles landed at Acre and then went up to Jerusalem, where Baldwin III, Fulcher the patriarch, the clergy and all the people met him outside the city and ceremonially conducted him inside. Baldwin and his barons felt a sense of competition with the other Latin states in attracting the crusader leaders, with the idea of expanding their territories. The Jerusalem leaders had the advantage of the Holy Places, but feared the rival attraction of kinship at Antioch, and even at Tripoli. They therefore sent Fulcher the patriarch to use his eloquence on Louis VII and invite him to Jerusalem. Louis, who had parted on bad terms with Raymond of Antioch, was predisposed to accept Fulcher's invitation, and he arrived, to receive a fulsome welcome. Another western prince, however, did not join them. Alphonse, count of Toulouse, son of Raymond of St Gilles, arrived at Acre, but fell sick and died at Caesarea
Certainty: 2 An assembly at Palmarea (Acre) decided to direct the Second Crusade against Damascus. An assembly was held at Palmarea, near Acre, to discuss future activities of the crusaders in the east. Forty-one people are named as present by William of Tyre, with many others whom he omits out of ignorance (Germans) or reasons of space (French and Palestinians). Beginning from the emperor Conrad III, he lists five German bishops and eight lay lords, three French bishops and four lay lords (including the king) and from the Palestinian kingdom ten ecclesiatical and eleven lay leaders (including king Baldwin III and his mother Melisende). After long discussions, it was decided to attack Damascus
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent a large punitive fleet to Sicily & marched himself: but he had to face a Cuman invasion. When Manuel I heard of the raid on Greece by the admiral of Roger II, he was deeply troubled. After consulting widely, he decided to start a major war with Roger, which was likely to last many years like those of the emperors of the past. He prepared a gigantic fleet of up to a thousand ships and a large army numbered in the tens of thousands; the fleet was put under the command of the megas doux Stephanos Kontostephanos, while the chief of the army commanders was Ioannes Axouch, the megas domestikos. The Cumans had crossed the Danube and were ravaging the area of Haimos
Certainty: 2 Manuel ordered ships for the Danube & went hunting: but criticism from a ferryman stung him. Manuel was told that the Cumans had crossed the Danube, captured Demnitzikos and were ravaging Byzantine territory. He therefore struck north, ordering ships into the Danube via Anchialos, and went hunting on the nearby plains till they arrived. Suddenly he heard that Cumans with booty from their raid were nearby. He therefore rushed to the river, where he was accused of negligence by a ferryman. This roused him to anger, so that he resolved to punish the Cumans
Certainty: 2 Manuel crossed rivers on pontoons, caught the Cumans & defeated them, recovering the booty. Manuel still had no large ships, but he succeeded in ferrying 500 troops across the Danube by tying small boats together to make pontoons. He found a recent Cuman camp near Tenou Ormon Mountain towards the Russian border, and sent Alexios Giphardos to find their army. Giphardos soon discovered them, but was heavily outnumbered, so he summoned the emperor's help. The Cumans offered some resistance, so Manuel charged and defeated them, killing many and capturing more than a hundred, including their leader, Lazaros. He recovered all the booty previously taken from the Romans, especially Sotas, a noble, who made his escape during the battle
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Leon, metropolitan of Dristra, over a Cuman attack. When a Cuman raid reached Dristra, its metropolitan Leon was captured and carried off like a lamb to the slaughter. But with God's aid he was saved, a solution for which Tzetzes gave great thanks, in emotional terms. He sent the best wishes of all his people to Leon, singling out his servant Demetrios Gobinos, and included all of Leon's people as recipients of his wishes. He had been suffering from a fever for a fortnight (since early July), and suggested that there were several feverish elements in his letter. He insisted that Leon, despite his status as archbishop, curse the Cumans - or if he was unwilling, Tzetzes would do so for him
Certainty: 3 Frankish siege of Damascus: approach & attack. Following decisions taken at Palmarea, Baldwin III's army, together with those of Louis VII and Conrad III, arrived at Tiberias with the true cross, then advanced to Banyas, where they had discussions with experts on Damascus. They decided to attack first the orchards surrounding the city. The Franks crossed Mt Lebanon and arrived at Daria, near Damascus, where they formed battle lines. Baldwin's army, being familiar with the country, went first, then Louis' in the middle, to assist if necessary, then Conrad's as rearguard. In this formation they approached Damascus. Baldwin led the armies into the orchards protecting Damascus for five miles on the west and north, close-set trees surrounded by mud walls with towers and narrow paths - excellent for ambushes, which the citizens set. The Frankish leaders persisted, to break the city's strongest defence and to gain access to food and water. By ruthlessly crushing the first opposition they met, his men terrified the townspeople into fleeing from the orchards, allowing faster progress. The enemy now defended the river, so as to keep the thirsty Franks from drinking. Baldwin's men tried desperately to reach the water, but in vain. When the army's advance was halted, Conrad's knights rode forward from the rear and dismounted, as always in a crisis. Fighting on foot with sword and shield they drove the enemy back; Conrad himself cut a Turkish knight in half, badly damaging enemy morale, so that the army could drink. Two virtuous Muslims of the fine old type, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Halhuli, an asceteic and al-Findalawi, a jurisconsult, both from Aleppo, saw the Frankish armies [called Byzantines by Usama] attacking, and joined the defence, fighting till they were killed. The Christians were now in an excellent position, with river water and food from the orchards; the citizens despaired and thought how to escape with their lives
Certainty: 2 Frankish siege of Damascus: betrayal & retreat. In the opinion of William of Tyre, the leaders of the besiegers of Damascus were betrayed when they were on the point of success. The traitors said that the far side of the city was easier to capture than the point which they had attacked; the armies were moved there, but soon realised there was no food or water, while the wall was not much weaker. Food soon failed in the new camp, as the besiegers had brought little with them, hoping to live off the orchards. But they could not return to the orchards, as the citizens barricaded the paths with beams and rocks, making the defences much stronger than before. All realised the treachery and decided to retreat. William believed that all the leaders from the west thereafter looked at every plan made by local Palestinian Franks as potentially treacherous and lost interest in helping the kingdom; pilgrims in the future were, as a result, fewer and less fervent. William inquired carefully about the identity of the traitors, and could come to no conclusions: he mentions three rumours. By the first, Thierry of Flanders had secured the agreement of all the leaders to give him the lordship of Damascus when it was captured, infuriating some local barons into acting treacherously. By the second, Raymond of Antioch influenced the traitors, as he still pursued his quarrel with Louis VII. By the third, it was simple bribery, but the recipients later discovered that the enormous bribe was in worthless counterfeit money. William hoped that the guilty would receive their just deserts. [It is worth saying that treachery would be more acceptable as an explanation to William than, say, the weakening of the crusaders by their losses in Anatolia, their incompetence in siege warfare, or the increasing power of the Muslims.]
Certainty: 2 Death of Manuel Anemas; consolation for his grieving widow. Manuel Anemas was dead: all would mourn. Manuel I would grieve for a fellow-general who shared his name, a noble colleague, mighty fighter and wise counsellor. The surviving three gambroi of Manuel I, Ioannes Rogerios Dalassenos the kaisar, Stephanos Kontostephanos the fleet commander and Theodoros Batatzes, were expected to mourn Anemas, the fourth of their number. Theodora, Anemas' wife, despite the terrible turn for the worse her life would suffer, should now cease her mourning for her husband, as they would soon be reunited in another life. She would be aided by her relative the droungarios, who would use the charms of his words
Certainty: 2 Consolation for the sebastokratorissa's daughter Eudokia on the death of her husband.
Certainty: 2 Beginning of siege of Kerkyra led by Andronikos Kontostephanos.
Certainty: 2 Final attempts to find a role for the crusaders were unsuccessful; departure of Conrad III. After retreat from Damascus, the Christians returned to the kingdom, leaving the people of Damascus to rejoice. The Christian rulers met again to discuss other plans for co-operation, like th capture of Askalon, which would involve much shorter distances. However each proposal was rejected as soon as it was made. Conrad III soon decided that he had no further role to play, and so he prepared his ships and left for Byzantium. He may have left in the same ships of Nikephoros Dasiotes in which he had come
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes accused Eliopolos of going to Thessalonike to see the famously beautiful Paionian women. Tzetzes made fun of Eliopolos' decision to leave the capital for the area of Thessalonike. He claimed it was due to a desire to see the beautiful women of Paionia. These he documented from ancient sources (Herodotos, Homer, Hesiod) as being strikingly beautiful, especially around the buttocks
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Konstantinos Kotertzes, thanking him for a honey cake. Tzetzes had asked Konstantinos Kotertzes for a letter, not a gift; but Konstntinos sent a generous cake on a plate soaked in honey, not a piece of paper marked with ink; the letter which had been requested would have been much sweeter
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes thanked Ioannes Basilakes for a gift of knives, most of which he sent to Kamateros the sebastos. Ioannes Basilakes had sent Tzetzes a gift of knives. The recipient replied with thanks, but explained that he had little use for such military equipment (except perhaps to arm his friends as a bodyguard). He had therefore kept one to sharpen his pens, and sent on the rest to Kamateros the sebastos. He had sent them with a servant, since he was not on speaking terms with the man as the result of a certain event
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Joseph, kathegoumenos of the Pantokrator, on a statue of Lysippos portraying Time. This is probably the earliest letter of those included in Tzetzes' second collection. It was addressed to Joseph, kathegoumenos of the Pantokrator monastery, and gave a description of a statue of Lysippos which portrayed Time in human form, interpreting it as meaning that nobody should waste time
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Ioannes Ismeniotes over some silk material he had received from him. After a long introduction on the ancient production of silk, especially at Thebes, he reached the theme of the letter: Ioannes Ismeniotes had presented to Tzetzes some rich silk material, appropriate because his family name referred to Ismenos, the river running through Thebes, a famous town of silk-workers; Tzetzes thanked him for the present eloquently, but could never recompense him for its value
Certainty: 2 Beginning of Serbian revolt.
Certainty: 2 Conrad III met Manuel I again on his return, confirming promise of a dowry for his wife Bertha-Eirene. Conrad III on his return from Palestine met Manuel I again at Thessalonike. There he repeated his promise of Apulia as dowry for Manuel's empress Eirene, Conrad's relative Bertha von Sulzbach. He confirmed the gift with oaths from himself and his nephew Frederick of Swabia
Certainty: 2 Marriage of Conrad III's brother with the sebastokratorissa Eirene's daughter Theodora.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos Doukas Kamateros dedicated an icon of the Theotokos & Christ with four saints. Andronikos Doukas Kamateros commissioned a poem to dedicate an icon of the Theotokos and son with four saints: St Chrysostomos, St Nikolaos, St Gregorios of Nazianzos and St Basileios of Caesarea
Certainty: 3 Manuel marched on towards Italy, but the fleet arrived too late for crossing, so he wintered in Veroia. After the delay caused by the Cumans, Manuel marched tirelessly down to the Adriatic. However his fleet, which had set out from the capital in spring, only arrived in the Adriatic in autumn, either through headwinds or the inexperience of Stephanos Kontostephanos, its commander. The invasion had to be delayed, and Manuel ended up wintering in Veroia
Certainty: 2 Stephanos Kontostephanos besieged Kerkyra but was mortally wounded by a stone.
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Axouch at Kerkyra faced Byzantine-Venetian quarrels, so Manuel took charge. After the death of Stephanos Kontostephanos, Manuel I put Ioannes Axouch, the megas domestikos, in charge of the assault on Kerkyra. Axouch was not made megas doux, but chosen as an experienced fighter, and pursued the siege for three months. Manuel meanwhile, so as not to waste his time, toured Kerkyra looking for places to attack. Axouch had little success, because of quarrels with the Venetians, so Manuel took over himself. As he was completely baffled, he settled on a ravine giving good access to the interior of the town. He built a wooden scaling ladder in the form of a tower that gave it protection, using ships' timbers and masts lashed to reach the necessary height. When raised, the top of his ladder rested on the rock at a point that gave access for those attacking the defenders of the city wall, while the bottom was held secure by ships; he then sought his bravest troops to climb it. The first volunteers, who disputed first place on the ladder, were the four Petraliphas brothers and the Turk Poupakes. They climbed amidst great emotion against strong opposition, and achieved great deeds on top of the wall. Just as the first reached the top, the ladder collapsed and most of those on it perished. Before the dead had been appropriately mourned, a quarrel broke out between Byzantines and Venetians leading to open warfare. Leaders on both sides tried in vain to intervene, till Axouch was forced into a full attack which drove the Venetians into their ships. The Venetians damaged the Euboean squadron of the imperial navy, then stole the imperial galley, furnished it with its full trappings, and paraded a black Ethiopian around, mocking imperial ceremonies and Manuel's swarthy complexion.
Certainty: 2 Chouroup repelled a Sicilian raid: 40 ships reached the Bosphoros but were beaten off. Roger II sent a fleet to attack Constantinople against impossible odds. After being beaten off, many ships fell into a Byzantine trap and were sunk, with their crews drowned or captured
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to console Theodoros Kostomyres on the death of his father. The father of Theodoros Kostomyres died. The bad news was announced to Tzetzes by Ioannes the doctor just before a letter-carrier departed to go to Theodoros. He just had time to improvise an emotional and formulaic letter of consolation, for which he apologised at the end of the letter itself
Certainty: 2 Fighting among black troops in Egypt.
Certainty: 2 Strife between Ibn al-Sallar & Ibn Masal.
Certainty: 2 Louis VII returned home in a Sicilian ship; he narrowly escaped capture by the Byzantines. Louis VII returned home from Palestine in a hired Sicilian ship. The vessel became involved in a battle between some Sicilian raiders and the Byzantine commander Chouroup, in which Chouroup was victorious. Louis was in considerable danger, and only avoided capture by flying the flag of a Byzantine ally
Certainty: 2 The King of France successfully petitioned Manuel for the return of captured men & baggage. Louis VII, in escaping from the sea-battle, lost many of his men to Byzantine captivity and much of his baggage. He successfully petitioned Manuel I to receive them back
Certainty: 2 After clever tactics & heroic deeds by Manuel, Kerkyra eventually surrendered. Manuel used skilful tactics in the capture of Kerkyra, first tightening the blockade till it was fully effective, then showing amazing stamina in allowing the besieged no respite from his attacks. Finally the garrison lost heart and surrendered
Certainty: 2 Raymond of Antioch & his army were wiped out by Nur al-Din of Aleppo. Nur al-Din had made general progress, capturing cities on the Euphrates and beginning the siege of Inab, not far from Aleppo. Raymond of Poitiers moved to resupply Inab, with characteristic boldness, before his cavalry were fully assembled. But on the return journey he camped in the open, though his army was too small to defend itself. According to Kinnamos, the army was exhausted and had no safe camp-site. Raymond wanted to push on to safety, but a companion accused him of cowardice and forced him to camp in unsafe surroundings. William of Tyre imputes the blame to Raymond's own bravado, because he had nearby fortresses available but refused to be scared into using them. Whatever the reason, Raymond awoke to find himself surrounded and attacked by a much larger army. Some of his men fled, but there was a general massacre of the rest, including Raymond himself and Reynald of Mar'ash
Certainty: 2 Nur al-Din celebrated the victory he had won near Inab. He marked the great victory he had won near Inab by sending the head and right arm of his defeated enemy Raymond to Baghdad and on to many other Turkish capitals. The death of this great anti-Muslim champion encouraged the Turks but threw the Christians into despair. Realising there was no force in the principality of Antioch to oppose him, he burned the whole region near Antioch, went on to St Symeon's monastery, then down to the sea, which he saw for the first time. He ceremonially bathed in the sea before his army, indicating potential conquest of that element too. On the way back, he seized the fortress of Harim, not far from Antioch, and garrisoned it to withstand a siege, so as to reinforce the dominance he had established over Antioch's cowed population, who felt abandoned by God
Certainty: 2 Reactions to the death of Raymond of Antioch. After the disaster of the battle near Inab, Constance becme the titular ruler of Antioch, though as a young woman with four children who were still minors her range of actions was rather limited. The first initiative was taken by the patriarch Aimery, who uncharacteristically spent a lot of his money for the public good, hiring troops to cover the immediate emergency. Baldwin III heard the news and came quickly northwards to encourage the distressed Antiochenes. He raised local troops to join his own, and besieged the fortress of Harim, recently garrisoned by Nur al-Din; but its defences were too strong, and he soon returned to Antioch. He sent sixty knights under the command of Humphrey the constable, to prevent Azaz falling into Turkish hands. Joscelin II, with his wife and children, was besieged in Tell Bashir by a large army under Mas'ud of Ikonion (who was also reacting to news of Inab and had captured many towns and fortresses). Joscelin freed all his prisoners from the Ikonion area and gave Mas'ud twelve suits of armour, so it was agreed to end the siege. Joscelin immediately went to Azaz, then Antioch, and thanked Baldwin for his kindness towards him, before returning home. Baldwin received Joscelin's visit, and waited till matters had settled a little, then went back to Jerusalem
Certainty: 2 Total failure in attempted invasion of Italy. When Manuel I discovered that the Sicilians were behind the combined attacks by Serbs and Hungarians, he sent a major offensive against southern Italy, while himself conducting a raid on Serbia. Ioannes Axouch was given a whole fleet and told to harry Italy from Ancona, but he stopped at the river Boöses in Albania. His delay was due to naval inexperience or Venetian influence, so that he achieved nothing apart from losing beached ships through negligence in a storm
Certainty: 2 The Sicilian coalition against Manuel included Germans, Serbs, Hungarians, Seljuks & Danishmends. Sicilian money caused the Serbs to revolt, with some support from Hungary
Certainty: 2 The Serbian zupan had rebelled: Manuel twice ravaged Serbia, but the zupan fled before him. Manuel was disappointed not to achieve surprise in his raid on Serbia, but when he arrived Uros and the other local leaders had taken refuge in caves and on mountain-tops. There followed a hunt of Serbians by the Byzantine forces. Many prisoners were taken and brought back in triumph to Constantinople, though Uros was again missed
Certainty: 2 Baldwin III & the barons of his kingdom fortified Gaza. By divine inspiration, Baldwin III and the chief men of his kingdom decided to fortify part of the ancient city of Gaza, some ten miles south of Askalon. This would add one more to the net of fortresses surrounding Askalon and restricting raids from there. It would also serve to protect the southern frontier of Palestine, especially against armies from Egypt. The work went well, and the fortress was handed over to the Templars. By the spring of 1150, Baldwin could leave the site and return to Jerusalem. The Egyptians from now on went to Askalon by ship
Certainty: 2 Manuel captured Ouranopolis.
Certainty: 3 Manuel returned in triumph to Constantinople for the winter. Manuel I arrived back in Constantinople just before Christmas, celebrating a triumph. Songs written for the occasion stress his incredible stamina in the attack on Kerkyra, which was eventually successful, then the defeat of a Sicilian raid on Constantinople, which led to the drowning of some Sicilian sailors and capture of others. Finally the Sicilians had bribed the Serbs to revolt with Hungarian aid. Manuel arranged a major attack on Sicily while himself conducting a raid on Serbia. Ouresis and the other leaders hid in caves and on mountain-tops. The Byzantines hunted them, taking many prisoners but missing Ouresis again. The prisoners were brought back for the triumph
Certainty: 3 Manuel I was praised in two sets of Christmas hymns for his Serbian campaign. Manuel I was welcomed to the capital from the west after an absence of three years. Poems for Christmas 1149 and Epiphany 1150 mention his success in the Serbian campaign and his many prisoners, and also prayed for the empress Eirene
Certainty: 1 Manuel appointed his nephew Ioannes as protosebastos, making Andronikos (I) jealous.
Certainty: 2 Manuel was praised in a set of 1150 Epiphany hymns for the successes of 1149. In three hymns written for Epiphany, Manuel I was praised for the achievements of the previous year in terms derived from the idea of baptism. There are references to the raid on Serbia and prayers for the long life of the empress Eirene
Certainty: 2 A poem for the "Gardens of Adonis", a celebration of Eirene the sebastokratorissa & her family. The ancient Gardens of Adonis was a family festival for females. On this occasion, it seems to have been celebrated by Eirene the sebastokratorissa Eirene and her daughters and daughters-in-law, on the occasion of a home visit by the family's males. Theodora is absent in Austria. The family members are enumerated as trees and then as birds; some identifications are easy, but others more difficult, as there seem to be more trees and birds than family members. Grief for the lost Theodora is a dominant emotion
Certainty: 2 Joscelin II of Edessa captured & imprisoned by Nur al-Din. Joscelin of Edessa was said to have been summoned to Antioch by Aimery, the patriarch. He went with a small escort, left them briefly to relieve himself, but was captured by brigands. He ended up in prison in Aleppo. The escort reported his loss, but it was only later that his location was discovered. Now both Antioch and Edessa had lost their lords, bringing the two peoples together. Joscelin is said by William of Tyre to have died at once, overwhelmed by mental and physical sufferings and the dreadful conditions in the prison. Other sources make him live on for some years, tortured in prison
Certainty: 2 Usama fought Frankish forces on his way to Damascus.
Certainty: 2 Geza II of Hungary because of family links supported the Serbians against Byzantium. A blind Serbian noble moved to Hungary and helped to bring up Geza II. As a result the king tended to support the Serbs militarily against Byzantine attack. This was the origin of Byzantine-Hungarian enmity
Certainty: 2 Reactions to the disappearance of Joscelin II of Edessa.
Joscelin's disappearance left his wife Beatrice with three underage children, a boy and two girls. She did all she could, more than could be expected of a woman, together with the remaining leaders of the county of Edessa, to preserve its few remaining possessions. Mas'ud of Ikonion would redouble his efforts to capture the remaining towns and fortresses. The emperor Manuel I would be inspired to try to take over those remaining possessions from the countess Beatrice, and Baldwin III would be convinced that Manuel's resources were better able to undertake the task than those of the hard-pressed Franks. Joscelin's capture entailed the loss of Azaz. He had ruled over it, rebuilt and refortified it. Nur al-Din proclaimed in the entire region of Aleppo that whoever could clearly prove his right to own a property in 'Azaz by means of a written document, he would respect that right. He shared the revenues of properties in 'Azaz among proprietors who could successfully prove ownership
Certainty: 2 Usama met Nur al-Din outside Damascus. Usama was sent by Ibn al-Sallar, the vizier of al-Zafir in Cairo, to Nur al-Din at the siege of Damascus, in order to persuade him to attack Tiberias. He instructed him, in case Nur al-Din refused, to recruit an army and set out himself. Nur al-Din received Usama at Bostra, south of Damascus. But he refused his request to make an assault on Tiberias, though he did hand over thirty men headed by one of his amirs, 'Ayn al-Dawla al-Yaruqi. Usama did recruit his own army: on the way back from Bostra, he stopped at Petra and prayed in the mosque there, together with a black slave of Baraq al-Zubaydi. He was told by the Turkish amir Barshak about a tradition concerned with the mosque
Certainty: 3 Tzetzes told Ioannes Basilakes that he often wrote, rejecting any blame if letters were not delivered. Ioannes Basilakes, a friend of Tzetzes, had written a letter complaining that his friend did not write, accompanying it with gifts. He received an indignant reply. Tzetzes claimed to have been writing constantly, and was not to blame if the carriers did not deliver the letters. He also complained about the gifts, explaining his moral objections to gift-giving
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes sent greetings to the imperial doctor Basileios Megistos, discrediting an embassy to Sicily. Tzetzes sent a letter to Basileios Megistos, an imperial doctor. He began by praising Basileios to the skies for intellectual, professional and personal qualities. Then he asked him to judge Tzetzes himself more fairly than at present. The reason for hislow opinion may have been Theodoros's failure to speak of Tzetzes' virtues. Tzetzes imagined that Basileios probably used his letters as emetics for his patients. Tzetzes then asked Basileios to pass on greetings to his friends, especially the unfortunate praitoroploi (?). He also hoped in conclusion that Basileios and Manuel I himself would realise that the spring embassy sent to Sicily was a complete waste of time
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes explained to Ioannes Triphyles that he made his living only by his pen. Tzetzes informed Ioannes Triphyles that his sole source of income was his writing, and that he would stave if he put away his pen. He compared his situation with those of several ancient writers, particularly Plato during his Sicilian period
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes thanked Kostomos for a letter & a gift, & hoped that Theodoros would read his work (?). Ioannes Kostomos (or Kostomyres) had sent Tzetzes a simple but strong letter and very generous gifts, and was involved in discussions between Tzetzes and Theodoros; Tzetzes thanked him for letter and gifts, and hoped that Theodoros would read his work [difficult to interpret], though he was fairly modest about its quality (?)
Certainty: 2 Negotiations to save the remains of the county of Edessa. Baldwin III, as tension rose between him and queen Melisende, heard that the situation in the county of Edessa was very bad. Mas'ud of Ikonion was taking places near the border with his realm, allowing the landowners and their families free passage to Tell Bashir in return for surrender, while Nur al-Din was also active; when Mas'ud had to go home, the situation was no better. Baldwin set off northwards, taking Humphrey of Toron and Guy of Beirut, and adding Raymond II as he passed Tripoli; barons from Melisende's areas did not answer his summons. At Antioch, he found Byzantine envoys with a proposal from Manuel I. Manuel had sent a major Byzantine office-holder with many troops and large sums of money, to garrison the remaining towns and forts of Edessa, offering in return a yearly income for countess Beatrice and her children sufficient for honourable comfort. He sent envoys to Antioch to seek support for this plan. Some Latins said it was not yet time for such extreme measures, others that something must be done before the county of Edessa was completely overrun. Baldwin said that Jerusalem and Antioch left him little time for Edessa, and backed the Byzantine plan, ensuring its success
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes praised the rhetorical advice sent in a letter from Ioannes Smeniotes to his son. Ioannes Smeniotes sent a rhetorical letter of advice to his son, which came into the hands of Tzetzes. He greatly admired its rhetorical qualities, gaving previouly noted Ioannes' competence only in lesser kills of writing. He judged that the work deserved a high place in two rhetorical genres: in that of advice from fathers to sons, and also (since it praised Tzetzes) that of encomia of the trivial
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Joseph, kathegoumenos of the Pantokrator, against the chartoularios. As Tzetzes was anxious to help all who came to his cell in the Pantokrator, so he regarded the laziness of those who currently did so as a disgrace, especially the chartoularios (of the Pantokrator?). He asked Joseph, the kathegoumenos, by letter to send him to another teacher. The chartoularios had shown initial promise in Tzetzes' classes, especially in writing scholia, but had proven incurably lazy. To choose another teacher, Joseph might consult Pelagonites, a good priest with a bright future who for some reason had earned the dislike of the archbishop of Bulgaria, who regarded him as an abomination. Tzetzes warned Joseph not to make the generosity shown to Tzetzes himself a precedent in dealing with the chartoularios. Tzetzes had asked for nothing - it was Joseph who took the initiative over the gifts. The chartoularios, in failing to continue with his scholia, had missed the opportunity to earn a good deal of money. Tzetzes had gained imperial largesse by that means
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes accused Pelagonites of trying to pass off his Aphthonios commentary as his own. Tzetzes accused Pelagonites of of plagiarism for claiming Tzetzes' Aphthonios commentary as his own. He first ironically compared Pelagonites' brilliance with his own ignorance. But, he continued, the other's attempted comments on Aphthonios would no longer gain him access to the Pantokrator, as Joseph, its kathegoumenos, was no fool
Certainty: 2 Usama invaded Frankish territory.
Certainty: 2 Baldwin III's march to save Christians from Tell Bashir (1): as far as 'Ayn Tab.
After the consent of Beatrice, countess of Edessa and her children was won and a treaty agreed with the Byzantines, he undertook to bring all those wishing to leave Tell Bashir to safety in Antioch, handing the castles to the Byzantines, though he doubted whether the latter could defend them for long. On the appointed day he took to Tell Bashir his own troops, some Antiochenes, Raymond II of Tripoli and his men, and the Byzantine garrisons. There they gathered Latins and Armenians of both sexes who wanted to leave, each with as much baggage as could be carried. The Byzantine garrisons were handed the following fortresses: Tell Bashir, 'Ayn Tab, Ravendal, Ranculat, Bile (al-Bira), Samosata, and maybe others. [We seem to observe the handover at Tell Bashir and 'Ayn Tab: presumably different arrangements were made elsewhere.] The Christian column, weighed down with baggage, first met Nur al-Din at Tulupa, near Tell Bashir; from there to 'Ayn Tab both armies were in battle formation, and fighting seemed likely; but unexpectedly the Christians reached 'Ayn Tab safely, and exhausted people and animals had a night's rest. At a meeting in the evening, Baldwin refused the requests of some magnates, notably Humphrey of Toron from Jerusalem and Robert of Sourdeval from Antioch, to take over 'Ayn Tab and defend it against the Turks from their own resources. He did not believe this possible, so kept the treaty and handed it to the Byzantines
Certainty: 3 Baldwin III's march to save Christians from Tell Bashir (2): beyond 'Ayn Tab. His arrangement of the army after 'Ayn Tab was designed to surround the unarmed marchers, especially the women and children, with a protection of armed men; he was at the front to direct the march, Raymond of Tripoli and Humphrey of Toron formed the rearguard, with the strongest forces, and the Antiochenes were on both flanks. All day he led the Christian force through constant attacks and showers of missiles, made worse by the heat and dust of August. Nur al-Din had drawn up his army in two columns, one each side of the Christians. Near Joha, at dusk, the Turks moved back, and Baldwin was informed by Humphrey of Toron that they had no more provisions, and would leave. His information came on the battlefield from the retainer of a powerful Turkish noble, with whom he was bound in close fraternal alliance. The marchers faced no more trouble and they soon reached areas under Christian control; Baldwin went on to Antioch. Nur al-Din realised that the Edessene strongholds were now garrisoned by Byzantines with no Latin stiffening, so he first harried them, then sent larger forces to capture them. In a year he had taken them all [William of Tyre ignores the role played by Masud of Ikonion in capturing the fortresses, and (from other evidence) probably shortens the time-scale]
Certainty: 3 Manuel advanced from Nis against Hungarian-Serbian allies.
Certainty: 2 Manuel showed great personal bravery in winning a confused battle on the Tara.
Certainty: 2 Details of Manuel's stuggle against Bakchinos, where Ioannes Kantakouzenos lost fingers.
Certainty: 2 Goliath on the mountain-top: brief references.
Certainty: 2 Manuel accepted submission of zupan of Serbia then returned to Constantinople.
Certainty: 2 Preliminary encomium for victory against Bakchinos.
Certainty: 2 Artah given by Nur al-Din to Shirkuh for his success against Frankish enemies. When Asad al-Din Shirkuh crushed the Franks, he went to Artah and planted his spear in the gate, asking for the town as a gift. Nur al-Din agreed with the proposal and duly gave it to him
Certainty: 2 Manuel attacked & pillaged Hungary, crossing the Sava in a hollowed canoe & towing his horse.
Certainty: 2 Manuel's numerous prisoners depopulated the "island" between Danube & Sava: he captured Zeugminon.
Certainty: 2 Manuel planned his campaign luxuriously, in the palace of the Hungarian king.
Certainty: 2 Manuel crossed the Sava against the army of the ban Belus, who soon withdrew.
Certainty: 2 Manuel camped at Branicevo, sending the pretender Boris to plunder Hungary round Mount Temises.
Certainty: 2 Boris was successful & crossed the Danube at night laden with booty, lit by Manuel's torches.
Certainty: 2 Manuel stayed by the Danube to strengthen cities there against Geza II.
Certainty: 2 Geza feared another defeat & sued for peace; Manuel returned to Constantinople to celebrate a triumph.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote twice to Leon, metropolitan of Dristra, about a young slave Leon sent him. He wrote to Leon, metropolitan of Dristra, thanking him in a very ceremonious way for sending a letter, a carved horn inkwell and a young slave (once Seblados, now Theodoros). he praised Leon [in a way which would prove insincere] for ignoring his constant plea that he did not want or need presents, and sending generous gifts like these. As for Theodoros, he complained, only partly in jest, that the boy was more hindrance than help. He was too young to be a servant, and needed looking after himself; he was a second mouth to feed when Tetzes could hardly feed one; his poor Greek embarrassed Tzetzes, whose own Greek usage was uncompromising; he was Hungarian, not Russian; he was left-handed; he preferred eating to learning; and he had apparently fallen mortally ill and taught Tzetzes' other boy to stay in bed in the same way. The inkwell was a fine piece of art, but not made by people who wrote, because it would hardly take a pen. In a second letter, he complained that Leon had stopped writing to him. Tzetzes had openly decided not to accept the boy, but was uncertain what to do with him, complaining that Leon answered none of his letters asking where he should send him
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to a nurse of the Pantokrator hospital on the dates of some ancient doctors. A nurse from the Pantokrator hospital challenged Tzetzes' dating of ancient doctors, claiming that Galen lived in the time of Christ, and protesting that Tzetzes made up the dates without evidence. Tzetzes in a bad-tempered letter gave him detailed evidence for the dating of Galen
Certainty: 3 Usama at Askalon. Usama spent four months at Askalon in order to fight the Franks. He arrived with his troops at dawn, and had hardly finished camping there when Nasir al-Dawla Yaqut, the governor, approached them asking them to watch their baggage, for fear of the Franks. Usama refused because there was nothing to fear. From Askalon he went on an expedition to Bayt Jibril with his brother 'Ali and his soldiers. On the way back they narrowly escaped the Franks. During the same stay, he and his men attacked Yubna, where they killed about 100 people and made prisoners
Certainty: 1 Anna Komnene took up her husband's history to preserve the memory of her father's deeds. Anna Komnene took up the history that her husband Nikephoros Bryennios had not finished, eager to record the facts of her parents' reign, so that they should not be lost to posterity. She was also deeply moved when writing of her husband, the kaisar Nikephoros Bryennios, and even her betrothed Konstantinos Doukas, who had died half a century earlier. Otherwise, being surrounded by distinguished doctors, she studied medicine and visited the sick
Certainty: 2 Lavra acquires right of use of former property of Kalyka at Karyes.
Certainty: 1 Nikephoros Basilakes wrote an encomium of Nikolaos Mouzalon.
Certainty: 1 Eirene the empress dedicated to the Theotokos a gilded silver dove. Out of reverence for the Theotokos and as thanks for healing from sickness, Eirene the empress used a poem of Theodoros Prodromos to dedicate to the Theotokos a completely gilded silver dove
Certainty: 0 Michael Italikos sent letters to Theodoros Prodromos, one via Michael the priest. In one letter from Michael Italikos to Theodoros Prodromos, lard was compared to cheese. Another was sent via Michael the priest, an ardent admirer of Theodoros, whose poems he knew by heart. He was to take him a letter in the capital, reporting the real news orally. Italikos and Prodromos were such friends as to be more singular than plural, despite the distance between them, and each felt elements of the other's environment
Certainty: 3 Manuel returned from Hungary to Constantinople & celebrated a triumphal prokypsis.
Certainty: 3 Manganeios Prodromos remembered his role in celebrating Manuel's triumph.
Certainty: 2 A (minor?) Byzantine victory in a sea-battle against the Sicilians.
Certainty: 2 Manganeios Prodromos asked Manuel to keep his promise over the adelphaton at the Mangana.
Certainty: 2 Dedications of thanks to the Theotokos for saving Ioannes Kantakouzenos.
Certainty: 2 Manganeios Prodromos thanked Manuel for a signed document, which he though guaranteed him the adelphaton.
Certainty: 2 Manuel heard that Geza planned an attack, & rushed to the Danube: a time of inactivity followed.
Certainty: 2 Manuel built light boats; Geza exchanged peace & submission for some of the prisoners lost in 1150.
Certainty: 2 Theodotos II appointed patriarch to replace Nikolaos Mouzalon. The patriarch Nikolaos IV Mouzalon was replaced by Theodotos II. Theodoros Prodromos wrote a long poetic encomium in 12-syllables to mark his accession, stressing the ascetic training he had imposed on himself, with the aid of his spiritual father, Theodosios
Certainty: 2 Usama summoned back to Egypt.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes was promoted to the office of didaskalos of the Gospels. As Georgios Tornikes was promoted to the office of didaskalos of the Gospels, he delivered an encomiastic prooimion to the patriarch, probably the ascetic Theodotos II. The patriarch was praised for his ascetic exercises, especially control of his tongue. Georgios also expressed pride that he had risen through the ranks to this high office without any of the intrigues and exploitation of others, which (he implied) were common in such promotions
Certainty: 2 Mas'ud of Ikonion took 'Ayn Tab from Joscelin II.
Certainty: 2 Nur al-Din, besieging Damascus, summoned to accept surrender of Tell Bashir. As Nur al-Din was besieging Dasmascus, he received a letter from some lieutenants of Joscelin II, asking him to go to Tell Bashir to receive the town; he wrote in turn to Majd al-Din b. al-Daya, his deputy in Aleppo, telling him to go to Tell Bashir and receive it on his behalf. Majd al-Din carried out the request
Certainty: 2 Mas'ud of Ikonion made territorial gains, soon followed by losses.
Certainty: 1 Circumstances in which Anna Komnene wrote her history.
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes wrote triumphantly to Konstantinos, bishop of Dalisanda, brother of the metropolitan of Ephesos.
Certainty: 3 Manuel I granted tax exemptions & ordered praktikon for Theotokos Eleousa.
Certainty: 2 Manuel I & Eirene produced their first child, Maria Komnene.
Certainty: 2 Manuel arbitrated between Uros & Dese as rulers of Serbia.
Certainty: 3 Baldwin III was crowned on Easter Day without his mother's knowledge. Palestine was fairly peaceful and relations between the rulers, Melisende and her son Baldwin III, were harmonious. But the queen favoured her relative Manasses, whom she appointed constable and commander of the army. Secure in her support, Manasses, who had become very rich, began to give himself airs and stirred up hatred against himself, not least from Baldwin. The king loathed Manasses as causing the regime's unpopularity, and alienating Melisende from himself. Other enemies of Manasses urged Baldwin to cut his mother's apron strings and take a larger part in government. He agreed, and despite the advice of Fulcher the patriarch and others, he had himself (informally?) crowned, appearing in public on Easter Day, without telling Melisende. After coronation, he called an assembly of nobles, including Ivo of Nesle and Walter, castellan of St Omer, and demanded that Melisende divide the kingdom with him, thus giving him an area to rule. After negotiation, he chose the areas round Tyre and Acre, leaving Jerusalem and Nablus for her. He then appointed his own constable, the rich and powerful Humphrey of Toron
Certainty: 2 Divorce, marriage & succession among European royal houses. Shortly after return from the Second Crusade, Louis VII decided to divorce Eleanor of Aquitaine. The pretext was consanguineity, the real reason the hostility between the couple, which had been exacerbated during the crusade. [There was also the lack of a male heir.] An annulment was granted by the assembled bishops of France. Eleanor immediately married Henry, duke of Normandy and count of Anjou. Within two years there were two other developments: Stephen, king of England died without male children, so that Henry began to rule there as Henry II, with Eleanor as his queen; Louis too remarried, choosing Maria [in fact Constance], daughter of Alfonso VII, emperor (king) of Spain
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) was appointed supreme commander in Cilicia & Isauria: he attacked Mopsuestia.
Certainty: 2 Toros, besieged in Mopsuestia, made a sortie against Andronikos (I), who barely escaped to Antioch.
Certainty: 2 Theodoros Kontostephanos killed by an old enemy in the battle at Mopsuestia.
Certainty: 2 Usama's brother 'Ali killed at Gaza.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) from Cilicia treacherously won over Baldwin III & Mas'ud of Ikonion.
Certainty: 2 Civil war in Jerusalem halted by a compromise from Melisende. The division of the kingdom made earlier in the year put Baldwin III and Melisende in different spheres, hopefully solving the tension. But the old friction points remained: Manasses was still in place and Baldwin, well past majority, was still less powerful than his mother. Pressured by the same agitators as before, Baldwin decided to attack Melisende's half of the kingdom. She realised his plans, arranged for the defence of Nablus, and retired to Jerusalem. Baldwin besieged Manasses in his castle of Mirabel, captured him and sent him into exile. After taking Nablus, he followed his mother to the capital. Most landowners in the area under her control disregarded loyalty to her and declared for the king. Exceptions who supported her were her son Amalric, count of Jaffa, who was still young, Philip of Nablus, Rohard the elder and a few more. As Baldwin approached Jerusalem, Melisende took refuge in the citadel, while Fulcher the patriarch intervened in favour of the status quo, but to no avail, condemning Baldwin's actions. The city of Jerusalem did not hold out long against its king; he entered and assaulted the citadel. After some days of fierce fighting on both sides, agreement was reached through envoys: Melisende ceded Jerusalem to Baldwin, while he guaranteed her safe enjoyment of Nablus
Certainty: 2 Unsuccessful pressure on princess Constance of Antioch to choose a prince. Baldwin III was deeply worried that Antioch, without a prince since the death of Raymond of Poitiers, would soon follow Edessa under Turkish rule, knowing that he himself had little time to spend there. Thus he repeatedly urged the princess Constance to choose one of her noble suitors from his army to rule the principality. Ivo of Nesle, Walter of Falquenberg or Radulf of Merle were well qualified to save the principality. But she was afraid of the bonds of marriage and preferred her freedom and desires to the needs of her people. When he realised this, Baldwin called a general assembly of the magnates of the kingdom and the principality at Tripoli, inviting from Antioch the patriarch Aimery of Limoges and his suffragans and Constance with her barons; also present were queen Melisende and the barons from Jerusalem. After some general issues, the agenda turned to Constance's marriage plans, but nobody succeeded in persuading her to wed, not her kinsmen Baldwin III or Raymond II, nor her maternal aunts Melisende or Hodierna. It was said that Aimery had influence over her, and supported her aberration of refusal to marry, since it helped him in his ambition to have a freer hand in control of the principality. The assembly ended in failure on this issue
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent the kaisar Ioannes to woo Constance, princess of Antioch, but in vain. Manuel sent the widower Ioannes Rogerios the kaisar as a suitor for the hand of Constance, princess of Antioch, widow of Raymond of Poitiers, but she refused him. It may have been because he was too old, or because the Antiochenes feared the imposition of Byzantine taxation. After he returned unsuccessfully to Constantinople, he fell ill and became a monk. Constance eventually married Reynaud of Chatillon
Certainty: 2 Failed attempt to heal the marriage of Raymond II: his assassination. Queen Melisande came to Tripoli not only to see her niece Constance, but also to heal a split which had occurred between her sister Hodierna and her husband Raymond II, which derived from matrimonial jealousy. Since Melisende had made little progress in this, she decided to take Hodierna home, and the two ladies had left Tripoli. Raymond II, meanwhile, accompanied Constance on the first stage of her journey back to Antioch, took his leave of her and returned to Tripoli. As he was entering the gate of the city, suspecting nothing, he was attacked by the swords of Assassins and died wretchedly. With him died Radulf of Merle and one of his knights, who happened by chance to have joined him in this excursion. Baldwin III was relaxing, playing dice, ignorant of the assassinations which had occurred, when the populace indiscriminately massacred all possible murderers, anyone whose dress or speech seemed different from the local norm. When he realised from the shouts what had happened, he ordered that Melisende and Hodierna be recalled. After much lamentation a fitting funeral was held to bury the dead. He then required all the magnates of the county of Tripoli to swear allegiance to Hodierna as countess and to her two children, the twelve-year-old Raymond and his younger sister Melisende. After that, the king returned to Jerusalem with his mother and barons
Certainty: 2 Illness & death of Anna Komnene. The narrative of the death of Anna Komnene began with two deaths in the family of her sister Maria, a daughter and a granddaughter, which plunged Maria into mourning. Anna, who was strongly oriented towards her family and especially Maria, with whom she had experienced the deaths of their parents, took on the role of comforter. At the same time she became very ill herself, but the role she had adopted made it impossible to concentrate on her own illness. She had to eat, drink and talk as if there was nothing wrong - and this made her much worse, leaving her unable to speak. She soon recovered her speech, but it was plain that her end was near. She bore this philosophically, without recriminations, and put her affairs in order. She prepared her children for her departure, especially her daughter Eirene. Georgios Tornikes too devoted a eulogy to Eirene at the end of his eulogy for Anna, suggesting that his work was sponsored by Eirene. As she died she prayed for every success for her imperial nephew Manuel I
Certainty: 3 Massacre near Jerusalem of Turks claiming the city by hereditary right. The leaders of a Turkish clan named Hiaroquin claimed Jerusalem as their hereditary right, and were accused of cowardice by the clan's matriarch for not putting this claim into action. So they gathered a large army and marched towards the city via Damscus. There they were urged not to go ahead with their plan, but decided to persist. They went straight to Jerusalem, while the defenders assembled at Nablus, which needed protection as it had no walls. The Turks approached Jerusalem up the narrow road from Jericho, where they were routed and massacred by the Jerusalem garrison, on terrain which favoured the defenders. They turned in flight, but those who escaped were cut off at the Jordan from Nablus as they passed. Few survived; as many as 5,000 were said to have been killed that day. There was much rejoicing in the city
Certainty: 2 Conrad III died at Bamberg without fulfilling promises made to Manuel I; Frederick I succeeded. Not long after returning from crusade, Conrad III died at Bamberg, and was magnificently buried in the cathedral there. He had not fulfilled any of the promises he had sworn to Manuel I. He was succeeded by Frederick of Swabia as Frederick I Barbarossa. Conrad III, in a disputed succession, had been forced to promise that his own successor would be Frederick, son of Conrad's one-eyed elder brother
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes wrote to Georgios Kladon, disturbed to discover that he was ill.
Certainty: 3 The Parthenon inscriptions record the death on January 18 of Leon Xeros, metropolitan of Athens. Leon Xeros, metropolitan of Athens, is recorded in the Parthenon inscriptions as having died on January 18
Certainty: 3 Baldwin III raided Askalon, then decided to besiege it: the list of attackers. In the enthusiasm of victory over the Hiaroquin, the barons of Jerusalem decided to damage their greatest enemies by seeking to destroy the orchards around Askalon. But when they arrived, they found the enemy were terrified and reluctant to come outside the walls, so they resolved on a siege, and gathered their full army. Baldwin III and Fulcher the patriarch collected all the magnates of the kingdom, ecclesiastical and lay, and they camped around Askalon; they bound themselves by solemn oath not to abandon the siege till the city was taken, supported by the True Cross. At least ten ecclesiastical lords and nine lay lords are listed as having been present
Certainty: 2 Geza II revolted briefly, but was immediately overawed by Manuel's approach & sued for peace.
Certainty: 2 Manuel found & repaired some old ships, making Geza sue for peace.
Certainty: 2 Geza punished some Hungarian women for a song.
Certainty: 2 Siege of Askalon: the first five months. Baldwin III, the patriarch Fulcher and Peter, archbishop of Tyre, together with the other commanders, pitched tents and blockaded the city by land, assaulting its massive walls and a population of defenders twice the number of the attackers. They built a very high tower of wood and organised skilful protection for it and those fighting on it. Gerard of Sidon commanding the small flotilla of fifteen ships tried to control access to the city by sea. Around Easter a large number of pilgrims appeared, and they and their ships were conscripted compulsorily by Baldwin for the siege, with pay, strengthening the besiegers and raising Christian morale, while depressing that of the Egyptians. The Egyptian authorities took steps to help the defence, and in the fifth month sent a fleet of 70 huge ships with reinforcements and equipment. They soon overcame Gerard of Sidon's few vessels. The city was resupplied and the balance of morale reversed
Certainty: 2 Manuel cowed the Serbs, sent his army home & delayed in Thessaly.
Certainty: 2 Manuel returned to the capital, receiving encomia.
Certainty: 2 Conrad's successor, Frederick I, asked to marry Maria, Manuel's niece, renewing Conrad's promises.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I), after failure in Cilicia, was appointed doux of Nis & Branicevo, with Kastoria also.
Certainty: 3 Siege of Askalon: varying fortunes of war. Bernard de Tremelay and the Templars were first on the scene when a section of Askalon's wall collapsed; this followed an attempt by the besieged to burn the besiegers' tower, which backfired when a wind-change blew flames back against the wall. The Templars rushed through the breach, and Bernard (it is said) kept others out, to maximise Templar booty. His tactics proved disastrous when the besieged succeeded in closing the breach very quickly, shutting him and his men inside; up to forty of them were killed, and their bodies suspended from the wall, swinging the pendulum of morale again in favour of the people of Askalon [William of Tyre, who was hostile to the Templars, cannot be trusted over such details]. Baldwin III and other leaders, secular and lay, met before the True Cross, to consider the siege after the slaughter of the Templars. Opinions were divided: Baldwin and most of the lay lords wanted to stop the siege, while Fulcher the patriarch, Peter of Tyre, the other bishops and Raymond of the Hospital wished to persist. The clergy carried the day, and the siege was continued with such desperation that the tide of battle turned again and the Christians won a victory
Certainty: 3 Siege of Askalon: the citizens decided to capitulate. The people of Askalon won a truce for the dead of both sides to be buried, then lost forty men carrying a beam to a huge stone from a Christian catapult. They began to discuss surrender, dramatised by William of Tyre as a speech made by wise and eloquent elders before the city's remaining population. The speech narrated fifty years of proud resistance against the stubborn Latin invaders, in which Askalon alone was undefeated; but present sufferings were unbearable, their power and will to resist much reduced, so that it was essential to ask Baldwin III for terms. There were cries of assent. Baldwin received a deputation offering surrender in return for safe departure. He listened, paused to consult, then accepted with tears of joy. Oaths were sworn: the people were to leave the city safely in three days with all their possessions. Baldwin's standard was raised over the city. The people left after two days: the Christians entered and gave thanks in the main mosque, which became the church of St Paul. The patriarch organised canons with set incomes, and chose Absalom as bishop, to the protests of Gerald, bishop of Bethlehem (the pope later upheld the protest, removed Absalom and awarded the church of Askalon to Bethlehem). Baldwin gave Askalon to his brother Amalric, and on the advice of Melisende distributed other possessions and lands, some on merit, some for payment. The people of Askalon had Latin guides to al-Arish, but were later attacked and robbed by a faithless Turkish comrade Nocquinus, who had served them for pay. He pretended to act as their escort but left them wandering in the desert
Certainty: 2 From Nis, Andronikos (I) began to conspire with Frederick Barbarossa & Geza II.
Certainty: 2 Strife in Egypt leading to the death of Ibn al-Sallar.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes as hypomnematographos sent canonical reponses to the metropolitan of Athens. Georgios Tornikes in his capacity as hypomnematographos sent canonical reponses to Georgios Bourtzes, the metropolitan of Athens, who had asked two questions on marriage. First, a priest who remarried could be transferred to serve in another church. Second, a man who had sexual relations with his fiancée's mother should be prevented from marrying either woman. Georgios also used the letter to suggest to the metropolitan that the two of them might combine to support his cousin Euthymios, if he wished, to find a career among the clergy of Hagia Sophia. He also recommended the letter-carrier, the relation of a good friend, who wanted work in Athens
Certainty: 3 Makarios of Kalyka renounced in favour of Lavra his property at Karyes. Makarios, hegoumenos of Kalyka on Athos, was getting too old to run his monastery. He therefore made a written statement renouncing his rights in favour of Nikephoros the hegoumenos of Lavra, and the two of them presented the document to the current protos Gabriel, who signed it. Six other hegoumenoi signed to approve the decision. Makarios' rights at the Protaton and the assembly of hegoumenoi were to be maintained, but transferred to another (unnamed) monk
Certainty: 3 Christmas Gospel teaching given by Georgios Tornikes when his successor was away. Georgios Tornikes, who had just left the post of didaskalos, returned unexpectedly to give Gospel teaching at Christmas. He explained to his old audience that his successor, Michael, nephew of the archbishop of Thessalonike, had been summoned away by the emperor Manuel, and so Theodotos II, the patriarch, sollicitous for the welfare of his flock, brought Georgios back for Christmas
Certainty: 1 Death of an unidentified general fighting on the eastern frontier. After fighting many successful battles, especially at Philomelion, Sozopolis, in Serbia, at Kodrai and Philadelphia, he had met death, an enemy he could not defeat. He died (probably of sickness) and was mourned by his wife and children
Certainty: 2 Incestuous affair between Andronikos (I) & Eudokia, daughter of the sebastokratorissa.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) offered territory to Geza II in return for for help in rebellon against Manuel.
Certainty: 2 Manuel marched out & made Pelagonia his base of operations.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to Andronikos (I) at Branicevo in favour of his brother Demetrios. The future emperor Andronikos (I) was at Branicevo. There he received a letter from Georgios Tornikes, associated with his brother Leon Tornikes, in favour of a third brother Demetrios Tornikes, who was at the time in Branicevo. The letter asked Andronikos to continue his generous support of Demetrios
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) escaped, though surrounded in a tent by realtives of his mistress Eudokia.
Certainty: 2 Death of Theodotos II the patriarch.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to the metropolitan of Athens when the patriarchate was vacant. Georgios Tornikes wrote to recommend son of a priest in Athens to Georgios, metropolitan of Athens. In the capital, since Theodotos II died, the patriarchate too was dead, an organism without a head; but anonymous libels were flying. He ended the letter with mention of his cousin Euthymios and his brother Leon
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) made two unsuccessful attempts to murder Manuel at Pelagonia.
Certainty: 2 Ioannes the protosebastos, gored by a boar, was treated by Manuel but obsessively hated by Andronikos.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) was sent back to Constantinople & imprisoned in the palace.
Certainty: 2 On death of Anar, Nur al-Din attacked & took Damascus. Nur al-Din heard of the death of Anar of Damascus, who had often thwarted his pland in the past. He also saw that Baldwin III and the leaders of Jerusalem had long been involved in the siege of Askalon, and calculated that they would not give up the siege to help the people of Damascus if they demanded their aid against him. He saw the opportunity and seized it, moving with great force to make a violent occupation of Damascus; but the people received him favourably and willingly surrendered, so he removed their king from power and drove him into exile in the east. This was a negative development for Jerusalem, consolidating the power of their enemies. After taking Damascus, he would later attack Banyas, trying to help Askalon from a distance; but neither of his plans succeeded: he failed to take Banyas, and also failed to stop the capture of Askalon [Askalon was probably captured before the attack on Banyas, so the motive given here is unlikely]
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote twice to Theodoros Kamateros, asking for the return of (a book?) & complaining of sickness.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes apologised to the sons of Kamateros for criticising hexameters of one Gregorios, presented to him anonymously.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes sent verses of his own to the sons of Kamateros, to make up for criticisms mentioned in a past letter.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes apologised to Ioannes Radenos for the brevity of his letter, due to sickness.
Certainty: 2 Further periods of strife in Egypt.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote three letters to Ioannes Kamateros. Of the three letters sent by Georgios Tornikes to Ioannes Kamateros, the first recommended to him an uncle of Georgios' who was also a relation of archbishop Theophylaktos of Bulgaria, the inspiration of Ioannes' father Gregorios Kamateros: Ioannes should keep the man (who was the letter-carrier) in the job he already held. The second letter tactfully probed a problem, that Georgios had heard of a reported remark of Ioannes which seemed not supportive of himself. The third letter again asked for help for the relative who brought the letter. This time it was a brother, perhaps Leon but more likely another brother not otherwise known. In the third letter Georgios lamented that his own career was at a standstill
Certainty: 2 Death of Roger II of Sicily: friendly overtures to Manuel from his successor, William I, were rejected. At the death of Roger II of Sicily, some Sicilian bishops were sent to make friendly overtures to Manuel I on behalf of Roger's successor, William I. They offered to return all the prisoners and booty from his father Roger's raid on Greece during the Second Crusade. Not only did Manuel I reject this, but he took aggressive action: he sent part of the fleet under Konstantinos Angelos to Monemvasia, to await the rest
Certainty: 2 Konstantinos Angelos attacked a Sicilian fleet against Manuel's orders & was defeated.
Certainty: 2 Manuel, asked to adjudicate, chose Ouresis over Dese to rule Serbia.
Certainty: 3 Usama, fleeing Egypt with 'Abbas, was attacked by Franks at al-Muwaylih.
Certainty: 3 Usama, fleeing Egypt, was only just saved from Arabs in Wadi Musa.
Certainty: 2 Usama's family captured & robbed while passing Acre. Nur al-Din asked for and received a safe-conduct from Baldwin III of Jerusalem for Usama b. Munqidh's wives and children to join him from Egypt. They left Egypt on a Frankish ship, but as they were approaching Acre they were assaulted and their possessions stolen by Franks (including money, jewelry and a huge library). The raid was ordered by Baldwin III in person. A member of Usama's retinue swam to shore and showed the king the safe-conduct with his own authorisation, but he refused to stop the robbery. He told the man that this was the way with Muslims. Fortunately they were set free, but with only 500 dinars for the whole party
Certainty: 3 Usama safely reached Damascus.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to the metropolitan of Athens over accusations of Bogomilism. The hand of the patriarch Theodotos II, as he died, became black, as observed by the metropolitans of Side and Herakleia and Roides, the ex-archbishop of Cyprus. On their witness, Soterichos Panteugenes six months later accused Theodotos of Bogomilism, claiming the noble experience of one who had dug up many Bogomil tombs. He extended the charge (which he had been planning for six months since the death of Theodotos) to Georgios Tornikes and the metropolitan of Athens, unrestrained by threats of the power of the latter and his brothers. He destabilised the patriarchate and made the clergy refuse to pay Theodotos' funeral expenses. In a letter on the subject Tornikes wrote that it would damage the reputation of all involved, and would anger Tzocharas. However Phournes and the metropolitan of Russia had spoken in favour of Soterichos. At the end of the letter Tornikes sent regards to friends in Athens, especially to Markos and to Ioannes, nephew of the metropolitan of Arta, whilst passing on regards from others in Constantinople, particularly his brother Demetrios
Certainty: 2 Geza II, before hearing of Andronikos' imprisonment, attacked Branicevo with many allies.
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent Basileios Tzinziloukes & rebel Istvan (III) of Hungary against a Bosnian ally of Hungary.
Certainty: 2 Tzinziloukes & Istvan, by mistake, attacked the main Hungarian army & were nearly wiped out.
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Kantakouzenos rallied the remnants of the Byzantine army & restored order in Belgrade.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to the metropolitan of Athens under a new patriarch. In a letter to Georgios, metropolitan of Athens, Tornikes was plainly approaching a crisis (episcopal elections?) and wary of the attitude of Konstantinos Chliarenos, the new patriarch, to whom his access was restricted. Konstantinos' hostility to Georgios the metropolitan and his clan had already been shown in ways of which Georgios did not need to be reminded. Tornikes hoped that this animosity did not extend to him, in view of the upcoming crisis. He finally thanked his correspondent for tactful treatment of his brother Leon
Certainty: 3 Exchange of properties on Athos between Lavra & Philotheou. Eighteen monks from the Athos monastery of Philotheou asked Nikephoros, hegoumenos of Lavra and protos of Athos, to approve the exchange of a property at Kalyka (where Lavra owned a metochion), too distant from Philotheou and threatened by pirates, with the nearby Lavra property of Chaldou. When Nikephoros accepted the proposal, Hilarion, an Athonite monk & scribe, wrote and signed a document confirming the exchange. This document was also signed by the abovementioned monks from Philotheou, together with Nikephoros and five hegoumenoi of different Athonite houses
Certainty: 1 Georgios Tornikes wrote to the protos of Mt Ganos about attacks on his monastery. Unnamed persons in Constantinople were working against the protos of Mt Ganos, by seeking to divide from him his able collaborator Paulos, kathegoumenos of a monastery on the mountain. They had succeeded in delaying Paulos in the capital. Tornikes wrote to the protos urging stiff resistance, together with Paulos and Habakkuk [if that is not another way of referring to Paulos]
Certainty: 1 Georgios Tornikes wrote an encomium to Anna Komnene, some time after her death.
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes wrote again to Georgios Kladon, now crushed by many misfortunes.
Certainty: 0 Death of Konstantinos Kamytzes.
Certainty: 2 Death of unidentified Komnenos Doukas.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to the metropolitan of Athens, having refused the see of Corinth. On the list of acceptable candidates to fill the see of Corinth, Stephanos the repherendarios had been first, Georgios Tornikes second and a certain protekdikos third. However all had turned down the see. Tornikes' decision had been based on the opinion of Theodoros Pantechnes, who had advised against acceptance, presumably on financial grounds. Tornikes had accepted the advice, despite the fact that his mother lived near Corinth. He said little in his letter to the metropolitan about the latter's personal affairs, assuming that Elias, his brother, would already have informed him on this subject. Tornikes castigated a certain "Polyphemos" as a persistent critic of the metropolitan of Athens (probably meaning Soterichos Panteugenos). Turning to the problems of the Pleurites family, he asked the metropolitan to establish justice for Demetrios, who (he said) had been wronged by his brother, who was trying to sieze the whole of their paternal inheritance. The letter-carrier (who presumably wanted to live in Athens) was recommended to Georgios the metropolitan as a friend, intelligent and potentially grateful. Tornikes finally sent greetings to his brother, Leon, and his cousin Euthymios
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the grammatikos Konstantinos Mitzalas, who was having problems with the empress.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to thank the grammatikos of the phylax for sending medicine.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to thank Alexios Pantechnes for spices & a tame bird.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Basil of Ohrid, now as Archbishop of Thessalonike.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes replied only briefly to Konstantinos Bathyrreites, who had praised a previous letter of his.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Manuel I over the award of a triumphal procession to an unidentified philosopher.
Certainty: 2 'Ayn Tab & Bahasna surrendered by men of Mas'ud of Ikonion to Nur al-Din, after a siege. Mas'ud, sultan of Ikonion had taken Bahasna from the Armenians around 1150; his men now lost it to Nur al-Din of Aleppo, after a siege. He also captured 'Ayn Tab
Certainty: 2 Manuel led large forces against Hungary, making Geza sue for peace; Manuel eventually agreed.
Certainty: 2 Diplomatic preliminaries to the Italian expedition.
Certainty: 2 First successes in Italy: capture of Bari.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes announced to various dignitaries his election as metropolitan of Ephesos. Georgios Tornikes had been made a priest, on the way to becoming metropolitan of Ephesos, and he sent letters to three major imperial dignities, asking for their sympathy and help, without which his tenure could not be successful. They were Ioannes Kamateros, the logothetes of the dromos, Andronikos Doukas Kamateros, the sebastos and megas droungarios, and Theodoros Stypeiotes, the epi tou kanikleiou. He stressed that as a simple scholar he was unfit for the role he had to play, contrasting himself with his correspondents, central persons in Manuel I's administration; he was worried about the task he had undertaken but certain that he could not refuse it. He also sent his cousin Euthymios to prepare Ephesos for his arrival, entrusting him with three letters to local dignitaries: the metropolitan of Smyrna and Alexios Giphardos, the doux of Thrakesion, together with the latter's representative at Ephesos. They were all informed of his coming and asked to co-operate with Euthymios
Certainty: 2 Campaign around Andria.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote three unhappy letters on his first arrival in Ephesos. Soon after arrival in Ephesos, he wrote three letters to his acquaintances: to Georgios (Bourtzes), metropolitan of Athens, from whom he had no news; to Eirene Doukaina, daughter of Anna Komnene, without seeking to add to her burdens, and with greetings to her don Alexios; and to Theodoros Pantechnes, telling him that Ephesos had deteriorated markedly since he saw it. The message of the three letters was similar: he was dismayed by coming face-to-face with the problems he had taken on, and wished he had not. His great church, the basilica of Hagios Ioannes, was in a bad state with falling masonry, suitable only for birds and animals. He was to return to Constantinople to lobby Manuel I, who had just returned to the capital
Certainty: 1 Tzetzes made the first chronological collection of his letters.
Certainty: 1 Cuman invaders raided the cities along the Danube, killing Kalamanos, then retreating.
Certainty: 2 Further successes in Italy, despite death of Michael Palaiologos.
Certainty: 3 The synod discussed whether Christ's sacrifice was offered to all members of the Trinity.
Certainty: 2 Siege of Monopoli.
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikios praised Alexios, Anna Komnene's grandson, & recommended his own brother Demetrios. Georgios Tornikes congratulated Alexios (Doukas), sebastos, son of Eirene, daughter of Anna Komnene, on his government of Ohrid, to which Dyrrachion had recently been added. Alexios (he said) offered exemplary protection from tax-collectors, as fruit of his excellent education by his mother Eirene Komnene. Georgios also recommended to Alexios the letter-carrier, his brother Demetrios, asking his assistance for a man who was worth helping, and had already benefited from the aid of Eirene
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes told Isaakios - Ioannes Komnenos he would now support his candidate as bishop of Pyrgion. Georgios Tornikes announced to Isaakios - Ioannes Komnenos, son of Konstantinos Komnenos, that he had changed his mind over the appointment of his correspondent's ekklesiarches as bishop of Pyrgion, and would now support it. He was also worried because, in his distant see of Ephesos, he was ignorant of the outcome of the synod that he had attended with Isaakios - as well as deprived of his friends
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to Ioannes Pantechnes about a letter sent to the doux of Thrakesion. A letter of Georgios Tornikes to Ioannes Pantechnes hinted at doctrinal problems and advised Ioannes not to accept jobs outside the capital. It also spoke of a letter of Ioannes to the doux of Thrakesion (Alexios Kontostephanos), which Georgios had delivered after Easter. The doux had promised to act according to the letter, and would be reminded firmly if he did not. A further letter represents that reminder
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to the doux of Thrakesion, lamenting he could not confront him in person. Georgios Tornikes had promised Ioannes Pantechnes to sent the doux of Thrakesion a firm reminder if he did not keep a promise. A further letter represents that reminder. Georgios cursed the mountains that made it hard for him to confront Kontostephanos in person. The doux had to be prevented from allowing events like that which had befallen the bishop of Palaiopolis, for which he was responsible, as he could have stopped it
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes wrote to Alexios Aristenos, despairing of his diocese but just as worried over heresy. Georgios Tornikes wrote to Alexios Aristenos in despair over the impending ruin of his church and diocese, for which his only hope was in the intervention of Manuel I (mediated by Aristenos). But (he added), despite these problems, he was more worried by the dogmatic threats from Soterichos Panteugenos and Nikephoros Basilakes (wrongly called Nikolaos): their impiety was still spreading. Alexios would be judged as to whether he fought it with all his strength
Certainty: 2 Georgios Tornikes told Boukinator, a patriarchal official, to fight heresy & support the patriarch. Georgios Tornikes wrote to (Konstantinos) Boukinator, a patriarchal official, urging him to fight against those spreading false doctrines (Soterichos Panteugenos etc.), and to support the patriarch
Certainty: 2 Manuel I told the pope, via Tornikes, that he supported church union but stressed the importance of Constantinople. The pope (Hadrian IV) had written to Manuel I, after being told by the prince of Capua that Manuel was a strong supporter of the union of the churches. Manuel replied, agreeing, but stressing the importance of the church of Constantinople
Certainty: 2 Death of Mas'ud of Ikonion; arrangements for the succession.
Certainty: 3 Decree of Manuel I concerning paroikoi of Theotokos Eleousa.
Certainty: 1 Copy of praktikon of Iveron properties (of 1104).
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the oikonomoi of the Pantokrator, thanking them for making his life comfortable.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to the horeiarioi of the Pantokrator, asking for building materials.
Certainty: 2 Demands from Byzantine commanders for more forces. Siege of Brindisi.
Certainty: 2 Final victory of William I at Brindisi.
Certainty: 2 Nur al-Din took Mar'ash & other towns from Kilic Arslan. When Nur al-Din entered the territories of the Seljukid Kilic Arslan II, he took Mar'ash and other towns
Certainty: 3 Shayzar was destroyed by earthquake: Usama's cousin killed with three of his children.
Certainty: 2 Kilic Arslan II, Toros & Yaghi-Basan captured many cities in the east.
Certainty: 2 Manuel exploited hostility between Kilic Arslan II of Ikonion & Yaghi-Basan of Cappadocia.
Certainty: 2 Basileios the deacon attacked well-known writers in his sermons: they retaliated against his theology.
Certainty: 2 Reynaud of Chatillon invaded & plundered Cyprus.
Certainty: 2 Penniless Reynaud of Chatillon begged from the Patriarch Aimery, then tortured him to get money.
Certainty: 2 Alexios Axouchos, sent with money to recover affairs in Italy, achieved considerable success.
Certainty: 2 Manuel complained of attitudes of Byzantine prisoners in Sicily, then made a treaty with William I.
Certainty: 3 A council in the Blachernai palace deposed Soterichos Panteugenos. Manuel I, with almost superhuman devotion to the spiritual health of Byzantium, finding that quarrelsome priests were spreading false doctrines, put aside his immense worldly concerns, gathered all the church leaders he could and convened a council. It met, under his presidency, in the Blachernai palace to consider the deposition for heresy of Soterichos Panteugenes, the elected patriarch of Theoupolis, great Antioch, who taught that Christ's sacrifice was offered to the Father alone. Beside the emperor, 15 major lay officials are recorded as having attended, while the patriarchs of Constantinople and Jerusalem were joined by 42 metropolitans, archbishops and bishops. Some are listed for only one one of the two days. The patriarch Konstantinos IV Chliarenos took a major role, but it was Loukas I Chrysoberges who signed the resulting document, endorsing all Konstantinos' acts and decisions, implying that the former died soon after the council. Some of the comments of the major participants are recorded, especially the emperor, who put pressure on Soterichos and Nikephoros Basilakes, who also seems to have been involved, though he claimed he no longer held the suspect opinions. Though no words favourable to Soterichos survive, there was a considerable group of clergy unwilling to proceed immediately to deposition, so the council entered a second day. Soterichos did not appear, so a named deputation with a carefully-witnessed letter was sent to him at the Hodegon monastery. He said that he was ill and could not attend, while acknowledging that the council could continue in his absence, especially as the emperor had to leave on campaign. Once this was decided, his unanimous condemnation by the clerical members of the council seems soon to have followed, together with deposition from the patriarchate and exclusion from holy orders. Kinnamos treated the affair merely as an intervention by Manuel I which (temporarily at least) rehabilitated Basileios the deacon against those like Soterichos who had previously attacked him
Certainty: 2 Manganeios Prodromos asked, in some desperation, for the implementation of the Mangana document.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes asked the grammatikos Nikephoros to send him a herbal cure when he reached Amastris.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes appealed to Demetrios, ek prosopou of Andronikos Doukas Kamateros the eparchos, on behalf of a leather worker.
Certainty: 2 Konstantinos Kotertzes sent Tzetzes a letter from Chrysopolis (in Thrace), damaged by river water.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to reassure Andronikos Kamateros the eparchos over a bad dream.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to his dependent Demetrios Gobinos, who had run away to make sausages in Philippoupolis.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes complained to the deacon Ioannes Lachanas that he was being slandered.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes complained about a deacon to the the patriarchal teacher Thettalos.
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes sent a letter of consolation to Niketas Pentabounites (& his father) over the loss of his son.
Certainty: 2 Eudokia Komnene, wife of Theodoros Stypiotes, dedicated an encheirion for the Hodegetria icon. Manuel, the son of Eudokia Komnene and Theodoros Stypeiotes, had been very ill, but the Theotokos had saved him. In gratitude, Manuel's mother Eudokia dedicated an encheirion to the icon of the Hodegetria
Certainty: 2 Alexios Giphardos recaptured cities taken by Kilic Arslan II.
Certainty: 2 Manuel issued a chrysobull in favour of monasteries. Manuel I in the fifteenth year of his reign enacted that no harrassment could be inflicted on Byzantine monasteries in connection with any of their properties, confirming it with a chrysobull. This freed the monks from any need to become involved in litigation
Certainty: 3 Manuel I confirmed privileges & granted protection to Theologos of Patmos. Leontios, the hegoumenos of Patmos and patriarch of Jerusalem, appealed to Manuel I, citing privileges granted to his monastery by his imperial predecessors. He sought confirmation of the privileges and protection from the praktores of Samos. He mentioned Pegonites as a praktoras who had harassed the monks of Patmos as soon as he was appointed, making outrageous demands and pillaging the monastery's islands. Manuel fulfilled the request, signing in red ink and sealing in wax a decree confirming the privileges granted to Patmos by his predecessors and forbidding the praktores of Samos from harassing the monks. The decree was signed by the official Michael Hagiotheodorites, and a copy by Konstantios, the bishop of Leros. It was registered by Mochomos in the sekreton of the megas logariastes, and by Thomas Alyates in the sekreton of the epi tou vestiariou
Certainty: 3 Manuel I set out to Cilicia to punish Toros & Reynaud of Chatillon.
Certainty: 2 Manuel I drove on relentlessly past Attaleia in terrible conditions.
Certainty: 2 Breakdown of peace with William I of Sicily.
Certainty: 2 Sicilian naval raid proclaimed William I outside Constantinople (probably confused).
Certainty: 2 Manuel tried unsuccessfully to capture Toros by surprise.
Certainty: 2 Manuel captured Cilicia, including Tarsos & Anabarzos, without a battle.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) escaped from prison in the Great Palace.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos (I) recaptured at Malagina & reimprisoned.
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Kamateros, logothetes of the dromos, told to report on Andronikos (I)'s escape.
Certainty: 1 Nikephoros Basilakes wrote four letters to Constantinople from exile in Philippopolis.
Certainty: 1 Basilakes wrote a forensic speech against "Bagoas", a decade after the event described.
Certainty: 2 Manuel eventually agreed to public humiliation of Reynaud before a wide range of ambassadors.
Certainty: 2 Elaborate (maybe imaginary) description of the humiliation of Reynaud & Toros in Manuel's camp.
Certainty: 2 Manuel received Baldwin III of Jerusalem coolly, then let him intercede for the Antiochenes & Toros.
Certainty: 2 Manuel received Toros, blinded Theodoros Stypeiotes & was reconciled to Georgios Pyrrogeorgios.
Certainty: 3 Manuel arived at Antioch, making an adventus prokypsis high on the city gate.
Certainty: 3 Manuel insisted on triumphal entry to Antioch, supported by Latins, & stayed in the palace for 8 days.
Certainty: 2 Manuel held an elaborate tournament, with Byzantines jousting against Latins.
Certainty: 2 Manuel's attack on Nur al-Din was halted by an offer of alliance & a massive release of prisoners. Manuel I marched to attack Nur al-Din, but as he approached, Nur al-Din halted him by an offer of alliance and a massive release of prisoners. Those released included the son (?) of Raymond of Toulouse (?), Bertrand of Blancfort, grand master of the Temple and other nobles, with more than 6,000 common German and French Crusaders. By promising to help Manuel in Asia Nur al-Din achieved peace; he claimed to know nothing of the later infringement
Certainty: 3 Manuel I confirmed earlier chrysobulls of Theotokos Eleousa.
Certainty: 2 Manuel was attacked by Turks when hunting, but he kept the alliance because of bad news from home.
Certainty: 2 Baldwin suffered a broken arm following Manuel in the hunt, then was impressed by his medical skill.
Certainty: 2 Manuel disbanded much of his army & sent them home; he had to rescue some from Turkish attacks.
Certainty: 2 Manuel took the direct route home, despite opposition from Kilic Arslan, & celebrated a triumph.
Certainty: 2 Wedding of Alexios, youngest child of the sebastokratorissa Eirene.
Certainty: 2 For revenge, Manuel arranged for a concerted attack by each Byzantine commander on his nearby Turks.
Certainty: 3 He moved from Thrace to pillage Dorylaion, then used imperial trumpets from hilltops to strike terror.
Certainty: 3 He defeated the Turks showing great personal heroism, then returned to Constantinople.
Certainty: 2 Manuel met Kilic Arslan's envoys at Pylai, dismissed them & attacked immediately.
Certainty: 2 Manuel achieved further surprise by marching at night with cressets, & pillaged widely.
Certainty: 2 Turks sent a spy to check Manuel's identity: he called this cowardice.
Certainty: 2 Manuel made his way home through a narrow defile with great courage.
Certainty: 3 Annual donation to Theotokos Eleousa established by Manuel I.
Certainty: 3 The Parthenon inscriptions record the death on May 16 of Georgios Bourtzes, metropolitan of Athens. Georgios Bourtzes, metropolitan of Athens is reported in the Parthenon inscriptions as having died on May 16
Certainty: 2 Turkish retaliation at Phileta & Laodikeia was damaging, driving Manuel to extreme measures.
Certainty: 2 Usama on pilgrimage to Mecca: advice to Jamal al-Din.
Certainty: 2 Manuel mobilised fully against Kilic Arslan, summoning all those who had sworn military help.
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Kontostephanos, collecting crusader contingents & local mercenaries, defeated a Turkish army.
Certainty: 2 Reynaud de Chatillon captured & imprisoned by Nur al-Din. Nur al-Din moved against Antioch and imprisoned Reynaud of Chatillon. This would lead to the rise of Bohemond III to be prince of Antioch
Certainty: 2 Manuel also wrote to Kilic Arslan's relatives & allies, to rouse suspicions.
Certainty: 1 Nikolaos Kataskepenos wrote the Life of Kyrillos Phileotes.
Certainty: 2 Interview of Nur al-Din's daughter with Salah al-Din. The daughter of Nu al-Din, after his death, visited Salah al-Din's tent, escorted by Hashim al-Asadi al-Khatib, to claim her right over 'Azaz and Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, which her father had destined for her. Salah al-Din explained that he had granted both towns to others, and was scolded by Hashim. Then Sayf al-Din al-Mashtub, who had been given 'Azaz, renounced the town in her favour
Certainty: 3 Alexios betrothed to Agnes of France.