Certainty: 2 Returning from Cilicia, Ioannes II sent a detachment to punish the people of Ikonion. Ioannes II, after a three-year expedition, returned via Cilicia to Constantinople. As he went, he sent a detachment to punish the people of Ikonion, who had taken advantage of his absence by attacking Byzantine possessions. This raid was successful
Certainty: 2 Return to Constantinople of Ioannes II's brother Isaakios & Isaakios' son Ioannes. The sebastokrator Isaakios and his eldest son Ioannes (a fine warrior) had left Byzantium over a small quarrel and travelled round neighbouring courts, many (like that of Mas'ud of Ikonion) hostile to the empire. He plotted continually against his imperial brother. But Isaakios was impoverished and felt marginalised by the glory won by the campaigns of Ioannes II, which meant that foreigners now refused to support his plans for rebellion. So he and his son returned to Constantinople as part of Ioannes II's triumph, and were warmly received by him. Poems were written by Theodoros Prodromos to celebrate Isaakios' pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and commissioning of a picture of Ioannes for himself
Certainty: 2 Celebrations after the return of Ioannes II from Syria & Cilicia. Ioannes held hippodrome races to celebrate his return from the long expedition, again stressing that he had reached Mesopotamia rather than mentioning Antioch. He also held two (probably more) marriages for unidentifiable members of the imperial family: both brides were imperial granddaughters, one the daughter of a daughter, the other was marrying a Doukas. He probably also on this occasion dedicated a holy grave in a church with its own golden candlesticks
Certainty: 2 Literary work celebrating Isaakios Porphyrogennetos after his return. Three poems were written by Theodoros Prodromos in connection with Isaakios, the brother of Ioannes II. One, in Isaakios' own persona, was specially proud of his pilgrimage to Jerusalem and his investment in bringing water to the monastery of Hagios Ioannes Prodromos at the Jordan. A second, from its title, was written to accompany the gift of a picture to Ioannes II, a portrait of Ioannes himself painted by Isaakios (though the poem itself throws doubt on this scenario). It speaks of their closeness of upbringing and the trivial quarrel which had divided them. A third, a hexameter encomium, stressed his double imperial descent, his excellent education and his warlike skills; though it has no dating criteria, it may well have been written, like the other two, to celebrate Isaakios' return to Byzantium
Certainty: 2 Nikephoros Basilakes wrote a speech to welcome Ioannes II on his return from Syria. Nikephoros Basilakios promised Ioannes II a welcome unparallelled in human history in richness and enthusiasm, as he returned to his capital after achieving victories which were equally unique. The speech mentions in an imprecise way many of the events occurring in Cilicia and Syria, culminating in a plea to the church and people of Constantinople to celebrate a better triumph than that already seen in Antioch
Certainty: 2 Radulf was sent home honourably, excluded from Antioch but soon reinstated. The patriarch of Antioch, Radulf of Domfront, after staying in Rome to finish his business, visited Sicily on the way back to Antioch, as had been arranged on the outward journey. He was well received by Roger II, and given an honourable escort of several ships to St Simeon. He went up to Antioch and asked for a solemn entrance, but his clergy, supported (or inspired) by Raymond of Poitiers, refused to admit him. He decided to wait in a monastery in the Black Mountains for the mood to change, amid accusations from Arnulf of Calabria that he was conspiring with Roger II against Antioch
Certainty: 2 Death of Peter of Lyons left Radulf's enemies in despair; Alberic of Beauvais replaced him as legate. Innocent II in Rome had sent Peter, the archbishop of Lyons, as a papal legate to resolve the case of Radulf of Domfront. Peter arrived at Acre, made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and was urged by Radulf's enemies, Arnulf and Lambert, to hurry to Antioch and finish his business. But he had only reached Acre from Jerusalem when he fell sick and died (some say of poison). Lambert, the archdeacon of Antioch, was disappointed by this turn of events, made his submission to Radulf and was confirmed in his post. Arnulf too was disappointed by the death of a legate who had seemed anxious to finish things. He was put under merciless pressure from Radulf. But he returned to Rome and succeeded in having Alberic of Beauvais chosen by Innocent II to replace Peter
Certainty: 2 Radulf was invited to Edessa by Joscelin II, then allowed by Raymond into Antioch. Radulf of Domfront, patriarch of Antioch, was invited to Edessa by Joscelin of Edessa, as the bishops of the county of Edessa (the archbishops of Edessa, Kyrros and Hierapolis) were his supporters. After being honourably entertained there, he returned to Antioch, where he was given a solemn entry to the city, conducted by Raymond of Poitiers in person. Outwardly at least Radulf was reconciled to the prince
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Manuel Gabrielakites, stationed in Thessaly. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote a letter to Manuel Gabrielakites, who was stationed at Platamon in Thessaly. He said he admired Manuel, but as he was now in the area where heroes were trained, he was worried that Manuel might return as a Lapith or a Centaur. Manuel's praise of Ioannes was also exaggerated, and he wondered what his secret agenda might be. His letter to Manuel was ruined by grief for his brother Isaakios, and by the letter-carrier, who spent too long on his own affairs, gave Manuel's letter late then demanded a quick reply. Tzetzes sent best wishes from his surviving brothers, Alexios the nephew of the protovestiarios and Basileios Machetarios, to Manuel and his father
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes warned the chartophylax of trouble at the Church of the Holy Apostles. Tzetzes wrote a letter to Konstantinos, the chartophylax of Hagia Sophia, about problems at the Church of the Holy Apostles. A hermit occupying a cell there was spreading unspecified mischief; this monk had been helped by Konstantinos himself and the patriarch Leon Stypes, but they had withdrawn support on realising his character. Konstantinos told the man to leave the church, and he had gone. But later he returned, supported by some of its clergy, his own relatives and false use of Konstantinos' name. The previous inhabitant of the cell, though honoured by the protosebastos, also wanted to come back. These cells in the Church of the Holy Apostles were being used to make profits, spread vice and ruin the church. Konstantinos was urged to shut them down and send away the monks concerned to be held in monasteries. If not, these troubles would go down in history
Certainty: 2 Michael Italikos pronounced a basilikos logos to Ioannes II on his return from Syria. Michael Italikos wrote (and dleivered?) a lengthy basilikos logos for Ioannes II on his return to the capital from the campaign to Cilicia and Syria. He narrated in an encomiastic way several of the events of the expedition, sharply changing details, especially at Shayzar and Antioch, to appear more favourable to the emperor than they were. He ended with a request for promotion to be one of the special clergy attached to the emperor (other evidence suggests that he wished to become didaskalos of the Gospels)
Certainty: 2 Operations, building & preparations in Western Anatolia. Though feeling exhausted, Ioannes II marched for the tenth time against the Turks, with a warning to Muhammad the Danishmendid. He went to defend the weak areas along the Sangarios against Tukish attacks. News of his arrival was enough to stop them. He drove off many animals as booty and returned to Lopadion, where many people from the capital felt secure in visiting him, including women and Theodoros Prodromos. When the womenfolk left, he built Ochyrai. Now for the first time he acquired a reputation as an implacable slave-driver, allowing his troops little or no time at home after returning from Syria before preparing for an expedition to Pontos. His enforcement was strict, resentment was extreme, and he made little attempt to soothe it
Certainty: 2 The forces of Thierry of Flanders were used to capture a nest of brigands across the Jordan. Thierry, count of Flanders arrived in Jerusalem for prayer and pilgrimage with a noble company of knights. King Fulk welcomed him joyfully, and it was decided to use his forces to capture a cave-fortress of brigands across the Jordan. They besieged the place together and took it
Certainty: 2 In Fulk's absence with Thierry, the Turks defeated Templar troops. During the absence across the Jordan of king Fulk with Thierry of Flanders, with the kingdom denuded of troops, some Turks raided Tekoah. Robert the Burgundian, master of the Temple, heard of this and went against them with some bretheren and other knights, the people following, and Bernard Vacher from Fulk's household brought a royal standard. The Turks retreated but the attackers moved up so carelessly that the fugitives were able to rally and defeat them with heavy casualties, including the much-lamented Templar Odo of Monfaucon
Certainty: 2 'Imad al-Din Zanki threatened Damascus; its governor, Anar, enlisted Christians in the defence. 'Imad al-Din Zanki prepared an attack on Damascus, whose regent, Anar, persuaded king Fulk to help in the defence, promising hostages, 20,000 gold pieces a month and the return of Banyas. The deterrent worked: when Fulk joined the Damascenes, Zanki retreated, and the operation turned into an attack on Banyas, which was closely besieged by the combined Muslim-Christian army. Raymond of Antioch and Raymond of II Tripoli were summoned to help in the attack
Certainty: 2 When Zanki withdrew, Anar & the Frankish leaders besieged & captured Banyas. The arrival at Banyas of Raymond of Antioch and Raymond of II Tripoli and their forces was a blow to the defenders. Anar carried out his promises in full in paying for Christian help in defending Damascus against Zanki. He took a full part in the siege and capture of Banyas, sending to Damascus for wood for siege-engines and arranging for the surrender by offering the besieged some land of his own. The Christian leaders, king Fulk, Raymond of Antioch and Raymond of II Tripoli, approved his plans for the surrender, and Fulk was delighted to arrange for the government of his new possession, reappointing Rainier of Brus, who had been expelled earlier. William the patriarch suggested that Adam, archdeacon of Acre, should become bishop of Banyas, with the approval of the relevant metropolitan, Flcher of Tyre. The leaders went to give thanks in Jerusalem
Certainty: 2 Alberic from Banyas summoned bishops of the Frankish East to a synod on Radulf in Antioch. Alberic of Beauvais was sent as a papal legate to Antioch, to replace the deceased Peter, archbishop of Lyons, to investigate on the spot the case of the patriarch Radulf of Domfront. Raymond of Poitiers, like the other Frankish rulers, had been summoned to join the Christian siege of Banyas. Alberic decided to go there also, to add his encouragement to the attackers. He met William, the patriarch of Jerusalem and Fulcher, archbishop of Tyre, and was able to discuss the case of Radulf with Raymond in Jerusalem. He finally summoned all the bishops of the Frankish east to a synod on the Radulf dispute to be held in Antioch on 30 November
Certainty: 2 Delay over tax receipts for the metropolitan of Patrai. The metropolitan of Patras, needing tax receipts, had written to the nephew who handled such matters for him; but he heard nothing, and complained. The nephew had Tzetzes compose his reply. He said that the receipts of the year before had to come from the imperial campaign around Cilicia and Antioch, and Adrianos Komnenos had just brought them. This year's receipts were suffering from the lack of letter-carriers and incomplete payments
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to a bishop over the wrong attribution of a work of his. A bishop had sent Tzetzes his blessing, but in a letter attributing one of Ioannes' works to a certain Leon. Ioannes' reply thanked him for the blessing, with the playful suggestion that the work be reattributed from the wild (Leon) to the gracious (Ioannes)
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes demanded the return of papers generously loaned to a grammatikos. A grammatikos had borrowed some papers from Tzetzes, but did not return them. He wrote to him, demanding them back: if not (he said) he would have to learn his lesson and be less generous, so that the grammatikos would be responsible for a decrease in the generosity of humanity
Certainty: 2 Roger (II) of Sicily captured the Pope & forced him to designate him as king. Pope Innocent II was angry at the occupation of Apulia by Roger II of Sicily. He gathered German forces and confronted Roger, but was defeated and captured by him. As a result, Roger in a theatrical scene did penance in such a way that the pope was forced to name him king
Certainty: 3 Trial & deposition of Radulf of Domfront. On the day of the synod over Radulf of Domfront, many bishops appeared: William the patriarch, Gaudentius of Caesarea, Anselm of Bethlehem and Fulcher of Tyre with two suffregans, Bernard of Sidon and Baldwin of Beirut. Alberic the papal legate had special hopes in Fulcher's discretion. The local bishops of the diocese of Antioch was were all there, but divided: Stephanos of Tarsos, Gerard of Laodikeia and Hugh of Jabala were against Radulf, while Franco of Ierapolis, Gerard of Kyrros and Serlo of Apamea were his supporters; others were neutral. Serlo had been an opponent, but changed his mind. Alberic presided in Hagios Peteros on behalf of the pope, and the pope's mandate was read. The accusers were led by Arnulf and Lambert the archdeacon, who had repented of his submission to Radulf. The accusations involved irregularities in Radulf's installation, and sinful acts of incontinence and simony. Radulf was called on each of the first two days to answer the charges, but refused to come; thus nothing was achieved. Serlo of Apamea was the sole bishop without pontifical robes. When asked by Alberic why he was so dressed and why he had changed his mind over accusing Radulf, he said that his previous stance was a grave mistake, of which he now repented and would defend Radulf to the death. After this, he was excommunicated and deposed from all offices, as Raymond the prince was determined to brook no opposition, influencing even Alberic. Serlo left Antioch for his diocese, but fell mortally ill at Harim and died. On the third day of the synod, Radulf agsin refused to attend, but kept court for his supporters in his palace. Thus Alberic, under protection of Raymond the prince, went there to depose him and force him to give up symbols of his office; he was bound like a criminal and imprisoned at St Symeon
Certainty: 3 Ioannes II made an expedition to Pontos, & wintered there. Ioannes II decided to expel barbarian invaders of Armeniakon and to arrest Konstantinos Gabras, ruler of Trebizond. He chose to advance along the coast, to obtain supplies from his own provinces and to be protected by the sea, fighting, if necessary, only on one side. He had to guard against the growing power of the Danishmendid emir Muhammad, with the most warlike of antecedents, ruling from Kaisareia, and controlling a part of Iberia and some of Mesopotamia. He set out at the end of spring, campaigned in the summer and autumn, and in December took up winter quarters at Kinte in Pontos
Certainty: 1 Theodoros Prodromos began to write poems of pure begging. Theodoros Prodromos' poetry depended on imperial and aristocratic commissions, which naturally dried up when the emperor and the aristocracy were away for a long military campaign. In the period 1137-1142 there were two of these campaigns, one after the other, first to Cilicia and Syria then to Pontos, with only a brief (but very welcome) interlude between them of hippodrome races and weddings, with fun, food and drink. Several of his compositions of this period make extreme claims of poverty and desperation. This contributed to his plans in 1140 to leave Constantinople, and merged into his complaints of severe illness in that and following years. At the least, these poems seem to suggest that his expectations of the patronage system were severely disappointed. It is hard to judge how close to starvation he really was