Certainty: 1 Deposition in Rome of Radulf, falsely elected as bishop of Tyre; Peter elected in his place. After Radulf had for two years maintained his office as archbishop of Tyre, an appeal against him was made to Rome. In the presence of the parties to the case (?), Eugenius III declared his election null and void. Soon after this, Peter, prior of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, was by common consent elected as archbishop of Tyre
Certainty: 3 Victory of Louis VII at the Maiander. Louis VII [whom Choniates wrongly implied to be Conrad III] came to a halt at the Maiander, which was in flood and defended by Turkish forces on the further bank. The enemy also occupied the tops of surrounding mountains, and prepared to harry his men on the plain before he crossed. According to Choniates, he prepared his knights the day before, then rose early and delivered an inspirational speech along traditional crusader lines. In Odo of Deuil, the battle was started by the Turks, who sent forces to drive the French into the river at a point where it would be hard to fight their way out. Three counts, Henry of Meaux, Thierry of Flanders and William of Macon took the lead like whirlwinds, and the other knights also were able to cross the river. Louis himself scattered the Turks to his rear. As the enemy had not adopted good defensive positions he succeeded in inflicting a mighty victory with terrible casualties. An amir was captured and executed. Milo of Nogent, who was drowned, was the only significant French casualty. Manuel I showed himself an open enemy of the crusaders by allowing the defeated Turks refuge in his little nearby city of Antioch on the Maiander. [Though Odo of Deuil describes a slightly different battle, this is the only possible event to which Choniates may have referred.]
Certainty: 3 Louis VII was unable to find enough food at Laodikeia on the Lykos. The Byzantine commander of Laodikeia on the Lykos perhaps felt guilty over the affair of count Bernard and afraid of Louis IX and the French. He therefore (?) emptied Laodikeia of food, so that the French army, despite its wealth and power, could at first find none. The action was the more wicked, as the man knew that no further food would be available for the next fortnight, as the army went on to Attaleia. Louis, as always, consulted very widely, but nobody could solve the problem; the army scoured the whole area, but found few people with food. After wasting a day in this search, he set out, with enemies both in front and behind his army. He found many corpses from the army of Otto of Freising, and then had to face the forces which had killed them
Certainty: 3 Disobedience of Geoffrey of Rancon & Amadeus of Maurienne exposed the French army to attack.
Louis and his army approached a mountain which he planned to use a whole day in crossing. Unfortunately, Geoffrey of Rancon and Amadeus, count of Maurienne, who were chosen to scout for a campsite for that night, being unencumbered, pushed ahead quickly and decided to extend the distance covered that day, disobeying instructions. Those behind them, thinking they were near their goal, slowed down, thus stretching out the army, dangerously exposing it to enemy attack. The Turks seized the opportunity. [Odo of Deuil, writing as an eyewitness within a few months, makes the planned campsite at the foot of the mountain, and the advance party, apparently quite small, climbs to the top. William of Tyre puts the campsite at the top of the mountain, and sends Geoffrey of Rancon down the other side with more than half the army. Both agree in placing the successful Turkish attack on the upward slope.]
Certainty: 3 There were serious French losses in a battle on a mountain just beyond Laodikeia. Louis was guarding the rear when he realised that the mass of the army and the baggage train in front of him was beginning to climb the dangerous mountain with little protection. They were terrified of the steep path and sheer precipices, fearing to be dislodged by falling soldiers and animals and the attacks of an increasingly bold enemy. As he lost more men and animals into the ravine, he pushed forward, but could do little, as much of the army clung to the path without advancing; only after nightfall did the destruction stop. He was unprotected by infantry and archers, having not planned to cross the mountain that evening. He and his small but famous bodyguard pushed through from the rear to attack the forces killing the centre of his army; but horses were useless on the steep path, and the nobles became sitting targets. Louis himself had to climb a rock by grasping tree roots, and defend it against many enemies; luckily he was not recognised. He escaped from the rock, found a horse, and spent the night with his army. All rejoiced to see him alive, but as he was alone and bloody they mourned his lost bodyguard: William de Warenne, Everard of Breteuil, Manasses of Bulles, Gautier of Montjay, Itiers of Meingnac and many others. Geoffrey of Rancon would have been hung by popular demand for disobeying orders, if Amadeus of Maurienne had not been equally guilty: the latter's status as royal relative made it hard to punish him
Certainty: 3 Louis VII's army marched to Attaleia under Templar discipline. After men and material were lost in the battle, Louis VII led the army forward more cautiously, trying generously to help those who had lost their property amid increasing enemy attacks. As the army advanced, there came to be a severe shortage of provisions; they also had no guides, so that the army advanced haphazardly into Pamphylia, over steep mountains and deep valleys. Fortunately there was little or no contact with the enemy. Louis admired the example set by Everard of Barres and the Templars in piety and skill in protecting the persons and possessions of their men, and so decided to use Templar discipline and commanders on the march. A certain Giselbert was appointed commander for the French army under Templar control, with several colleagues, each of whom was assigned 50 knights; rules were set to impose collective discipline, rather than allowing individual reaction, as before. They applied especially to noblemen who lost their horses and were now on foot. In this way, by a kind of pact of mutual aid, his army descended the dangerous mountain and crossed two muddy rivers, dragging the weak horses behind them. Orders were given for a concerted attack on the Turks between the rivers, and Louis won one victory, and four more before Attaleia. The dying horses at least secured a supply of meat
Certainty: 3 Conrad III met Manuel I in Thrace & wintered in Constantinople. Conrad III welcomed Manuel's friendly letter, and returned via the Hellespont to Thrace, where he was met by Manuel and conducted to the capital. There a winter of palaces, spectacles, horse-races and brilliant receptions restored his health; he was then sent on to Palestine
Certainty: 3 Louis VII at Attaleia: five weeks of debate & dissension, then departure by ship. Once the nobles confirmed the treaty with Landulf, the messenger of Manuel I, the men had enough food, though it was expensive. But there was no fodder for the surviving horses, which were exhausted and starving, and so Louis decided to leave. They learned that the route on from Attaleia was much easier by sea than by land. The sea voyage, unless there were storms, would take three days, while land travel faced delays from the terrain and lack of food. All wondered if the Byzantines could gather sufficient ships at a good price. As it seemed unlikely there would be enough for the whole army, they wondered how to divide it. Louis wanted to take the knights by land, leaving the ships for the infantry; but many of the knights' horses were dead or dying, and they would only agree if they could find others. When it proved impossible to find enough of adequate strength, the barons forced Louis to promise to take them by sea. Landulf and the governor ot Attaleia promised more ships, but the weather was poor for five weeks. The price of food rose still higher. Louis cowed the Turks by defeating them using the remaining horses. A few very expensive ships appeared, and were divided among the bishops and barons; they wondered how long to wait for ships for the others, as life in Attaleia was now very expensive, and the city was too strong to take by force or treachery. Louis was then approached by those without ships, who no longer believed more would come. They asked to set out now overland, trusting in military force against the Turks rather than being bled white by treacherous Byzantines. He accepted their plan, tried to make arrangements for their safety, and left by ship
Certainty: 3 Arrangements for the French army left behind in Attaleia. LouisVII before leaving gave his men generous gifts, and to promote their safety paid 500 marks to Landulf, Manuel I's messenger, and the governor of Attaleia to take invalid pilgrims for recuperation inside the city. They were also to lead the remaining army past two local rivers and send them off to Tarsos with an escort. Theobald of Flanders and Archibald of Bourbon remained to oversee this process. Soon after Louis left, the Turks attacked the French army, which was waiting for the guides promised in the agreement. Theobald and Archibald with difficulty managed to defend the army, then demanded that the Byzantine leaders fulfil their part of the bargain. They refused, citing the threat of the Turks and winter weather. There followed long and fruitless discussions in which the Byzantines behaved dishonourably, and offered the French barons scant board and lodging. Finally the two French barons left in fury, having neither performed their task nor taken vengeance for the wrongs they endured. The French army continued to suffer terribly from the Byzantines, so that even the Turks took pity on them
Certainty: 2 Louis VII safely reached Antioch. After spending five weeks in Attaleia, Louis VII had to pass another three weeks in reaching Antioch, as some of his ships were battered without suffering shipwreck. He arrived safely, and Odo of Deuil was able to complete his history with an encomium of the king, addressed to abbot Suger. William of Tyre, however, speaks of a short sea voyage with favourable winds, before Louis put into St Simeon, port of Antioch
Certainty: 2 Louis VII & queen Eleanor at Antioch. Raymond of Poitiers, the prince of Antioch, with all his nobles welcomed Louis VII to Antioch, conducting him into the city, where he was greeted by clergy and citizens. Raymond had long planned to use Louis to expand his principality, and so sent him many rich gifts before he set out from France. He also hoped to employ his relation, Eleanor of Aquitaine, Louis' queen and companion on the crusade, to exercise influence over him. He continued his generosity towards Louis and his chief barons after their arrival in Antioch, planning to campaign with them and capture Aleppo, Shayzar and other places held by the Muslims. The idea was practicable one, if only he could have persuaded Louis, whose military reputation was intimidating. Raymond proposed his military plans privately to some of the French leaders, then put a more formal proposal to a general meeting, stressing that the result would be glorious and not too difficult. However Louis piously refused, wanting to fulfil his crusading vows at once in Jerusalem. Once Raymond realised that Louis' refusal of co-operation was final, his attitude changed. Instead of being a positive host, he began to plot to harm him. He even tried to remove his wife Eleanor from him, forcibly or by guile, an undertaking in which she foolishly co-operated. When he realised Raymond's intentions and Eleanor's reactions, he took advice from his barons and left Antioch at once. A visit which began gloriously ended ignominiously, some blaming Louis himself, for refusing a reasonable military proposal from a generous host
Certainty: 2 Odo of Deuil sent his completed history with a dedication to Suger of St Denis. While he was still involved in the Second Crusade (presumably at Antioch or soon after his departure from there), he sent his completed history of it with a dedication to abbot Suger
Certainty: 2 Wedding of Ioannes, son of the sebastokratorissa, with a prokypsis.
Certainty: 2 Leaders of the Second Crusade reassembled in Jerusalem. After being splendidly entertained by Manuel I, Conrad III was sent to Palestine with Byzantine money and a fleet commanded by Nikephoros Dasiotes. He and his nobles landed at Acre and then went up to Jerusalem, where Baldwin III, Fulcher the patriarch, the clergy and all the people met him outside the city and ceremonially conducted him inside. Baldwin and his barons felt a sense of competition with the other Latin states in attracting the crusader leaders, with the idea of expanding their territories. The Jerusalem leaders had the advantage of the Holy Places, but feared the rival attraction of kinship at Antioch, and even at Tripoli. They therefore sent Fulcher the patriarch to use his eloquence on Louis VII and invite him to Jerusalem. Louis, who had parted on bad terms with Raymond of Antioch, was predisposed to accept Fulcher's invitation, and he arrived, to receive a fulsome welcome. Another western prince, however, did not join them. Alphonse, count of Toulouse, son of Raymond of St Gilles, arrived at Acre, but fell sick and died at Caesarea
Certainty: 2 An assembly at Palmarea (Acre) decided to direct the Second Crusade against Damascus. An assembly was held at Palmarea, near Acre, to discuss future activities of the crusaders in the east. Forty-one people are named as present by William of Tyre, with many others whom he omits out of ignorance (Germans) or reasons of space (French and Palestinians). Beginning from the emperor Conrad III, he lists five German bishops and eight lay lords, three French bishops and four lay lords (including the king) and from the Palestinian kingdom ten ecclesiatical and eleven lay leaders (including king Baldwin III and his mother Melisende). After long discussions, it was decided to attack Damascus
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent a large punitive fleet to Sicily & marched himself: but he had to face a Cuman invasion. When Manuel I heard of the raid on Greece by the admiral of Roger II, he was deeply troubled. After consulting widely, he decided to start a major war with Roger, which was likely to last many years like those of the emperors of the past. He prepared a gigantic fleet of up to a thousand ships and a large army numbered in the tens of thousands; the fleet was put under the command of the megas doux Stephanos Kontostephanos, while the chief of the army commanders was Ioannes Axouch, the megas domestikos. The Cumans had crossed the Danube and were ravaging the area of Haimos
Certainty: 2 Manuel ordered ships for the Danube & went hunting: but criticism from a ferryman stung him. Manuel was told that the Cumans had crossed the Danube, captured Demnitzikos and were ravaging Byzantine territory. He therefore struck north, ordering ships into the Danube via Anchialos, and went hunting on the nearby plains till they arrived. Suddenly he heard that Cumans with booty from their raid were nearby. He therefore rushed to the river, where he was accused of negligence by a ferryman. This roused him to anger, so that he resolved to punish the Cumans
Certainty: 2 Manuel crossed rivers on pontoons, caught the Cumans & defeated them, recovering the booty. Manuel still had no large ships, but he succeeded in ferrying 500 troops across the Danube by tying small boats together to make pontoons. He found a recent Cuman camp near Tenou Ormon Mountain towards the Russian border, and sent Alexios Giphardos to find their army. Giphardos soon discovered them, but was heavily outnumbered, so he summoned the emperor's help. The Cumans offered some resistance, so Manuel charged and defeated them, killing many and capturing more than a hundred, including their leader, Lazaros. He recovered all the booty previously taken from the Romans, especially Sotas, a noble, who made his escape during the battle
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Leon, metropolitan of Dristra, over a Cuman attack. When a Cuman raid reached Dristra, its metropolitan Leon was captured and carried off like a lamb to the slaughter. But with God's aid he was saved, a solution for which Tzetzes gave great thanks, in emotional terms. He sent the best wishes of all his people to Leon, singling out his servant Demetrios Gobinos, and included all of Leon's people as recipients of his wishes. He had been suffering from a fever for a fortnight (since early July), and suggested that there were several feverish elements in his letter. He insisted that Leon, despite his status as archbishop, curse the Cumans - or if he was unwilling, Tzetzes would do so for him
Certainty: 3 Frankish siege of Damascus: approach & attack. Following decisions taken at Palmarea, Baldwin III's army, together with those of Louis VII and Conrad III, arrived at Tiberias with the true cross, then advanced to Banyas, where they had discussions with experts on Damascus. They decided to attack first the orchards surrounding the city. The Franks crossed Mt Lebanon and arrived at Daria, near Damascus, where they formed battle lines. Baldwin's army, being familiar with the country, went first, then Louis' in the middle, to assist if necessary, then Conrad's as rearguard. In this formation they approached Damascus. Baldwin led the armies into the orchards protecting Damascus for five miles on the west and north, close-set trees surrounded by mud walls with towers and narrow paths - excellent for ambushes, which the citizens set. The Frankish leaders persisted, to break the city's strongest defence and to gain access to food and water. By ruthlessly crushing the first opposition they met, his men terrified the townspeople into fleeing from the orchards, allowing faster progress. The enemy now defended the river, so as to keep the thirsty Franks from drinking. Baldwin's men tried desperately to reach the water, but in vain. When the army's advance was halted, Conrad's knights rode forward from the rear and dismounted, as always in a crisis. Fighting on foot with sword and shield they drove the enemy back; Conrad himself cut a Turkish knight in half, badly damaging enemy morale, so that the army could drink. Two virtuous Muslims of the fine old type, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Halhuli, an asceteic and al-Findalawi, a jurisconsult, both from Aleppo, saw the Frankish armies [called Byzantines by Usama] attacking, and joined the defence, fighting till they were killed. The Christians were now in an excellent position, with river water and food from the orchards; the citizens despaired and thought how to escape with their lives
Certainty: 2 Frankish siege of Damascus: betrayal & retreat. In the opinion of William of Tyre, the leaders of the besiegers of Damascus were betrayed when they were on the point of success. The traitors said that the far side of the city was easier to capture than the point which they had attacked; the armies were moved there, but soon realised there was no food or water, while the wall was not much weaker. Food soon failed in the new camp, as the besiegers had brought little with them, hoping to live off the orchards. But they could not return to the orchards, as the citizens barricaded the paths with beams and rocks, making the defences much stronger than before. All realised the treachery and decided to retreat. William believed that all the leaders from the west thereafter looked at every plan made by local Palestinian Franks as potentially treacherous and lost interest in helping the kingdom; pilgrims in the future were, as a result, fewer and less fervent. William inquired carefully about the identity of the traitors, and could come to no conclusions: he mentions three rumours. By the first, Thierry of Flanders had secured the agreement of all the leaders to give him the lordship of Damascus when it was captured, infuriating some local barons into acting treacherously. By the second, Raymond of Antioch influenced the traitors, as he still pursued his quarrel with Louis VII. By the third, it was simple bribery, but the recipients later discovered that the enormous bribe was in worthless counterfeit money. William hoped that the guilty would receive their just deserts. [It is worth saying that treachery would be more acceptable as an explanation to William than, say, the weakening of the crusaders by their losses in Anatolia, their incompetence in siege warfare, or the increasing power of the Muslims.]
Certainty: 2 Death of Manuel Anemas; consolation for his grieving widow. Manuel Anemas was dead: all would mourn. Manuel I would grieve for a fellow-general who shared his name, a noble colleague, mighty fighter and wise counsellor. The surviving three gambroi of Manuel I, Ioannes Rogerios Dalassenos the kaisar, Stephanos Kontostephanos the fleet commander and Theodoros Batatzes, were expected to mourn Anemas, the fourth of their number. Theodora, Anemas' wife, despite the terrible turn for the worse her life would suffer, should now cease her mourning for her husband, as they would soon be reunited in another life. She would be aided by her relative the droungarios, who would use the charms of his words
Certainty: 2 Consolation for the sebastokratorissa's daughter Eudokia on the death of her husband.
Certainty: 2 Beginning of siege of Kerkyra led by Andronikos Kontostephanos.
Certainty: 2 Final attempts to find a role for the crusaders were unsuccessful; departure of Conrad III. After retreat from Damascus, the Christians returned to the kingdom, leaving the people of Damascus to rejoice. The Christian rulers met again to discuss other plans for co-operation, like th capture of Askalon, which would involve much shorter distances. However each proposal was rejected as soon as it was made. Conrad III soon decided that he had no further role to play, and so he prepared his ships and left for Byzantium. He may have left in the same ships of Nikephoros Dasiotes in which he had come
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes accused Eliopolos of going to Thessalonike to see the famously beautiful Paionian women. Tzetzes made fun of Eliopolos' decision to leave the capital for the area of Thessalonike. He claimed it was due to a desire to see the beautiful women of Paionia. These he documented from ancient sources (Herodotos, Homer, Hesiod) as being strikingly beautiful, especially around the buttocks
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Konstantinos Kotertzes, thanking him for a honey cake. Tzetzes had asked Konstantinos Kotertzes for a letter, not a gift; but Konstntinos sent a generous cake on a plate soaked in honey, not a piece of paper marked with ink; the letter which had been requested would have been much sweeter
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes thanked Ioannes Basilakes for a gift of knives, most of which he sent to Kamateros the sebastos. Ioannes Basilakes had sent Tzetzes a gift of knives. The recipient replied with thanks, but explained that he had little use for such military equipment (except perhaps to arm his friends as a bodyguard). He had therefore kept one to sharpen his pens, and sent on the rest to Kamateros the sebastos. He had sent them with a servant, since he was not on speaking terms with the man as the result of a certain event
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Joseph, kathegoumenos of the Pantokrator, on a statue of Lysippos portraying Time. This is probably the earliest letter of those included in Tzetzes' second collection. It was addressed to Joseph, kathegoumenos of the Pantokrator monastery, and gave a description of a statue of Lysippos which portrayed Time in human form, interpreting it as meaning that nobody should waste time
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote to Ioannes Ismeniotes over some silk material he had received from him. After a long introduction on the ancient production of silk, especially at Thebes, he reached the theme of the letter: Ioannes Ismeniotes had presented to Tzetzes some rich silk material, appropriate because his family name referred to Ismenos, the river running through Thebes, a famous town of silk-workers; Tzetzes thanked him for the present eloquently, but could never recompense him for its value
Certainty: 2 Beginning of Serbian revolt.
Certainty: 2 Conrad III met Manuel I again on his return, confirming promise of a dowry for his wife Bertha-Eirene. Conrad III on his return from Palestine met Manuel I again at Thessalonike. There he repeated his promise of Apulia as dowry for Manuel's empress Eirene, Conrad's relative Bertha von Sulzbach. He confirmed the gift with oaths from himself and his nephew Frederick of Swabia
Certainty: 2 Marriage of Conrad III's brother with the sebastokratorissa Eirene's daughter Theodora.
Certainty: 2 Andronikos Doukas Kamateros dedicated an icon of the Theotokos & Christ with four saints. Andronikos Doukas Kamateros commissioned a poem to dedicate an icon of the Theotokos and son with four saints: St Chrysostomos, St Nikolaos, St Gregorios of Nazianzos and St Basileios of Caesarea
Certainty: 3 Manuel marched on towards Italy, but the fleet arrived too late for crossing, so he wintered in Veroia. After the delay caused by the Cumans, Manuel marched tirelessly down to the Adriatic. However his fleet, which had set out from the capital in spring, only arrived in the Adriatic in autumn, either through headwinds or the inexperience of Stephanos Kontostephanos, its commander. The invasion had to be delayed, and Manuel ended up wintering in Veroia