(He did not want) to entrust to the people's ears a distorted narrative, nor make a source of defamation a theme that he had had for praise, nor whet against Konstantinos 9 the tongue that Michael 61 had refined through his encouragement
(Heard from Anonymus 7002) that Romanos 4 knew how passionate ... Zoe 1 was and to prevent her being shared among many, did not resent her relationship with one man (Michael 4); while pretending not to see he satisfied her passion
(His retirement) was prompted by an innate desire deep in his soul from earliest youth and by the sudden change in affairs: for he was afraid when he saw Konstantinos 9's fickleness, harrying one person after another like a soldier in war
(In an encomium) he would have contributed many fine words to the feast of honour, for which Konstantinos 9 gave abundant material, since the encomiast passes over any bad points in his honorand and weaves his praise from what is good
(In condemning her lack of taste) he makes an exception of Zoe 1's reverence for God; he cannot blame her for excess in this; this virtue in her was unsurpassed ... he has praised her appropriately for this earlier in his account
(In redesigning the Mangana) an exact circle was inscribed using the third church as a centre, with greater art in his opinion ... No one could criticise the size of the project, so outstanding was its beauty
1043 summary: he congratulated Konstantinos 9 for his dramatic victory over Georgios 62, which did not seem to occur by human agency, but as a sign of divine favour; he finally asked Konstantinos to pay him and make him his court rhetor
συγγραφεὺς πρόκριτος. Psellos Orationes panegyricae II, 775-835
Michael 4 during his reign did and planned very many things and did not meet with failure in many; in examining and judging side by side his successes and failures, he finds more successes than failures
Zoe 1's largesse was pillaged or seized; all this and the excessive elevation (of individuals) began the decline of affairs to the opposite extreme and humiliation; but this was for prophets and the opinions of the more intelligent
Konstantinos 9 had another good quality, one which he did not normally praise, but which Konstantinos 9 held in particular esteem; anyone who wishes may judge: Konstantinos 9 was utterly without precaution for himself
Konstantinos 9's refusal to use guards was certainly the beginning of very many ills; he will describe one or two and let readers guess the others; he will begin with a digression, criticising the admission of former slaves to high office
Konstantinos 9 removed Konstantinos 13 from office, but God placed him in a better party and made him celebrant and initiate of His own Holy Wisdom, as Michael 61's account will tell more fully further on
Konstantinos 9's dismissal of Konstantinos 13 etc. are ambivalent, depending on individual viewpoint; but in other actions that he proposes to tell, Konstantinos 9 was not at all moderate, but vigorous, intense and sharp
Isaakios 1's action was worthy of an emperor's thinking, but he does not commend at all the attempt to accomplish everything at once; he will describe what Isaakios 1 did
Anonymus 168 claimed that only those of a certain age should rise to the top in a profession like law (thus excluding the young Ioannes 18); Psellos made a long list of ancient intellectuals and writers who disproved this rule
Psellos Against Ophrydas 255
Theodote 2101 affected him even after her death, as her wish for his tonsure pushed him towards that life; but before that he had to fulfil a wide-ranging project of ancient learning, theoretical and practical, which he listed in detail
Anonymus 2495 sent a reminder of his promises, and he planned action
Psellos Letters (K - D) 168, 193.1-7
A conventional and impersonal demand that the recipient write to the writer (a standard letter without a recipient?)
Psellos Letters (K - D) 19, 25.1-26
A letter (?) citing Anonymus 2552, but written to hide its subject
Psellos Letters (K - D) 240, 290.5-291.6
A long catalogue of clichés which is not easy to follow, ending with a request for a copy of Plutarch and the possibility of a visit (a standard letter without a recipient?)
Psellos Letters (K - D) 17, 20.20-22.19
A naive and repetitious version of the story of the Spinx at Thebes, with euhemerising tendencies; is it for young pupils, or maybe written by one? (a standard letter without a recipient?)
Psellos Letters (K - D) 18, 22.20-24.27
After a silence, he wrote to Ioannes 18 about following him to Olympos
Psellos Letters (K - D) 191, 215.5-218.30
After carefully weighing the evidence, he would accuse Michael 11 of impiety (heresy), rebellion, murder, sacrilege and also indifference, not mixing up details of these charges but dealing separately with each in turn
After curtailing his account of Konstantinos 10 as far as is reasonable and giving the narrative its usual scale, he will then speak more exacty about his family, his house, his character, likes and dislikes both before and after his rule
After giving an account of Zoe 1 and ending it with her death, he will again deal with another subject; he does not know well what Zoe 1 was like in her youth, except from hearsay, and he has entrusted this to writing earlier on
After waiting to see if his intervenion was needed, he wrote a speech in favour of the nomophylax Ioannes 18 and against the jurist Ophrydas (Anonymus 2110), beginning with problems of defending a great man against a nonentity
῾Υπὲρ τοῦ νομοφύλακος κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Οφρυδᾶ. Psellos Against Ophrydas 1-505
All emperors should be prevented from the folly of not accepting advice and lack of reflection, but self-love and the common flattery that they are equal to all things leads them astray; they suspect a man who speaks frankly for the good
All this preliminary narrative enables his account to proceed with artistry, by going back to the beginning, establishing preliminaries and concluding in an orderly way
Alternatively by hunting down the truth by every means, he thought he would become a cause of mockery to those who find fault and considered not a lover of history but a lover of abuse
Another encomium is set in a large theatre, with competitors to left and right seeking to compete with the deeds of Konstantinos 9; its first subject is the spread of imperial power, especially in Muslim areas, symbolised by the elephant
As Georgios 62 was wounded in the side it was alleged that it the wound was from a lance, but the one who inflicted the wound is unknown to the time that his history was written
As an eyewitness of the transfer of rule in 1057 who had an opportunity to think over the events, he came to the conclusion that the actions of Michael 11 were masterful
Psellos Keroularios 365-366
As for Konstantinos 62's appearance and the character expressed, in so far as the innate soul appears from these, he does not know of such earthly beauty
As he has said many times, if Isaakios 1 had chosen the right time for action and proceeded gradually he would have changed the disordered world to order
As he is not writing an encomiumn but a true history (he will say that) Konstantinos 10 sometimes went wrong in relying only on his own counsel in what he did
As he sets out to write about Michael 7, or rather to outline as far as his summary account allows, he begs his audience not to consider that he exaggerates Michael's character and actions; in fact he greatly understates them
As he will conceal none of Konstantinos 9's nobler deeds but bring them into the open, so too if Konstantinos has said anything in a different disposition, this he will also make clear in his account
As it would take much time and many words to detail (the events of Konstantinos 9's reign) in order from beginning to end - armies, camps, skirmishes, battles and everything else that precise historians tell - he will defer this for now
At the beginning of his monody, he pictured the whole of nature severely disturbed by the death of Maria 64, by the loss of her beauty and charm
Psellos Poema 17.1-60
At the end of his speech for the prosecution (which could be lengthened), he asked the synod if Michael 11 should continue as patriarch: if yes, they (not Isaakios 1) would bear responsibility; if no, they should vote for deposition
Psellos Kategoria 2785-2845
At this point he wishes to introduce himelf into the history and share in the virtues of Konstantinos 10
At this point in his account he would like to explain the causes of the Rus' naval expedition against Konstantinos 9 who had committed no hostility against them
But by the rules of strategy as commander-in-chief he should have stood at a distance giving the necessary commands, while he foolishly ran into danger: this would give cause for much abuse; but he is among those who praise, not the critics
Comparing Konstantinos 9 with great past leaders, he knows that Konstantinos 9 is inferior in bravery, but greater in the other virtues by the extent to which he ceded to them in that virtue
Composed a speech for the emperor Michael 7 Doukas, a traditional praise of fasting explicitly from a very young man to an older audience, hence probably from his first year of rule
Declines to praise or blame Michael 4's changed attitude to Zoe 1: his hatred for his benefactress and unfeeling behaviour is not good, but his fear that she might engulf him too in similar evils (to Romanos 3) is to be praised
Describes the narrative (of 3.17) as the prologue to his account (of Romanos 3's death), while the main events came about as follows
οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ τοῦ λόγου πρόλογος, ἡ δὲ ὑπόθεσις τοιαύτη τις ἐπισυμβεβήκει. Psellos: Chronographia III 18.3-4
During an absence from the city (1069?) he wrote to Nikephoros 111 a letter of his own (not under Konstantinos 120's address), wondering about his situation and sending some lively material for discussion at the dinner-table
Either by omitting, for reasons which he will tell, what was done by some people or by making other changes, he thought that he would be convicted of not making a history but of fabricating events as if for the stage
Everything came to absolutely nothing: Konstantinos 9 died (as his account will later tell), while Anonyma 210 was again considered a hostage and Romanos 62's fire kindled only phantoms
Expresses admiration for Konstantinos 8 who voluntarily ceded to Basileios 2 most of his share in the empire, even though he was young, when lust for power is especially kindled, ...; so Konstantinos 8 deserves encomium in the proem
θαυμάσειεν ἄν τις ἐνταῦθα τὸν Κωνσταντῖνον ... τοιούτων μὲν οὖν ἐγκωμίων ἐκ προοιμίων ἀξιούσθω ὁ Κωνσταντῖνος. Psellos: Chronographia I 2.11-19
Feels no amazement that Zoe 1 should adorn Michael 4 like a statue and cover him in gold, making him dazzle with rings and gold-woven robes: for what would an empress in love not bestow on her beloved?
First of all, he particularly admired Michael 4 because, although he chanced on this great prosperity from a humble fortune, his thinking was not confounded, he was not found unequal to power, yet altered nothing of what was established
From the accession of Romanos 3 the writing of his history will be more accurate than the preceding part, since the emperor Basileios 2 died when he was still an infant, and Konstantinos 8 when he had completed his first lessons
Had he been writing an encomium rather than a comprehensive history, (the flight of the Uzes) would have provided more than enough material for praise; but as it is he will turn the impetus of his account to other matters
Had he not promised an account of serious matters but of trivia and frivolities, he would have assembled many tales in his acount; but he will let this one tale (of Romanos 62 and the horse) stand for many, and narrate events in sequence
Had he seen that other emperors had done everything with the finest disposition and found favour in all things whereas Konstantinos 9's reign alone had the opposite character, he would have omitted his account of him
Has heard another version (of Zoe 1's affair with Michael 4), that Romanos 4 was tolerant of it, but his sister Pulcheria and her confidants were enraged; however, her early death terminated hostilities
Having come to this point in his account he would like to say this about Eudokia 1, that he does not know if any other woman was such an example of wisdom as she was in her way of life up to this time
Having completed his account of Zoe 1 he returns again to Konstantinos 9, adding that he had not wished to write a history and be called a lover of truth for it, but to compose an encomium for Konstantinos 9
Having reached this point in his account of Zoe 1, Michael 61 wil return again to Maria 64 and Konstantinos, arousing and separating them, if it seems good, and while saving him up for later, complete now the life of Maria
He added conventional consolation - death as the common lot of all - introducing a vision of Maria 64 herself, asking for imperial benefactions to wipe away her sins; he finally recommended Zoe 1 and Theodora 1 as dynastic consolation
Psellos Poema 17.326-448
He admires the strict standard of a mind (like Leon 62's), but considers it suited to to eternities not (earthly) times, to the future life, not the present one
He agreed to a request from Leon 62 to write an encomium for St Gregorios Thaumatourgos, after an elaborate double humility topos: he expressed great inferiority both to the saint and to Leon
He apologised for introducing himself into the narrative of the end of the reign of Michael 6 and the transfer of rule to Isaakios 1, sharing the glory with Konstantinos 13
He began the chrysobull with a statement of the importance of such documents, especially when sent to men of high calibre and strengthened by the most terrible oaths, as the most irrevocable statement of imperial intentions
Psellos Robert 4-25
He began the encomium with praise for writing about those you know best for an audience which also knows them, rather than writing of those long dead
Psellos Mother 3-4
He began, at last, a correspondence with Anonymus 2239
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 121.370
He begs that Konstantinos 9, divine soul, be gracious to him, and even if he speaks immoderately of his times, yet without concealment and truthfully, Konstantinos 9 pardon him this too
He brought Konstantinos 10 the best of this earth: fruit, wine and bread
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 137.380
He cannot but admire Michael 7's greatest strength ... Michael 7's refusal to despair and resolve in the international crisis that he inherited; this prevented the state from foundering, even if it has not yet come to a secure harbour
He cannot write history like panegyric, as he cannot distort history, where truth is crucial, for fear of popular criticism, lest some slandering tongue blame him for condemning where he should praise: this is no lawsuit, but true history
He claimed that references by the founders of Nea Mone to the pain of childbirth convict them of Nestorianism, in refusing to accept that the birth of Christ was without pain, again tainting Michael 11
Psellos Kategoria 367-417
He claimed the speech showed no personal bias against the patriarch, but derived from personal observation that he had been straying from orthodoxy; he would ask the synod too to use personal observations in reaching judgement
Psellos Kategoria 5-51
He clings to historical truth and considers Konstantinos 9's landscape activities far from the range of his good qualities, as was his puerile behaviour towards a certain lad (Ioannes 115)
He closed his monody on the death of Eirene 20117 with a long recapitulation of her virtues and a formal passage of consolation for her husband Ioannes 62
Psellos Eirene 181-189
He combined high encomium of Leon 62 with firm criticism
Psellos Letters (K - D) 185, 203.17-204.30
He compared Konstantinos 120's painted image with the reality and with a word-picture
Psellos Letters (K - D) 211, 247.9-249.16
He complained that Anonymus 2182 expected all his letters to be perfect
He complained that Leon 2104 refused to respond to his letters
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 89.333-334
He complained that Michael 11 had failed to stop a year of persecution of him by clerics under patriarchal influence, yet also saw the patriarch now as a prime source of his salvation
He considers it the product of a greater providence and management, that the succession did not fall to any other member of Michael 5's family, but on Michael 5, through whom the divinity knew how to obliterate the whole family
He could not have talked about (his interview with Konstantinos 9) without first explaining the cause, and since he wished to explain the cause, he needed to mention some personal details
He defended himself against the charge of Ioannes 18 that he followed Plato more than Christ
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 175.444-451
He delivered an oration as Romanos 4 was leaving the city, on a second eastern campaign; he wishes for success in biblical terms, that Romanos will soon return after defeating the new Amalek or Pharaoh [Alp Arslan ?]
He described to Michael 11 his delight on eating the potamios hys after a diet of vegetables
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 58.290
He describes the extent of the learning of Ioannes 18 by juxtaposing positive and negative judgements; the encomium breaks off at the end, though it had promised to speak of his death
Psellos Xiphilinos 421
He did not know if any other family was loved by God as much as that of Zoe 1 and Theodora 1, and he was amazed on reflecting that their roots were fixed and planted not lawfully, but by slaughters and bloodshed
He did not know whether to rejoice or weep when writing of the last earthly moments of Michael 11, as the boat put in at the city near which the trial was to take place
Psellos Keroularios 377
He did not know which to be more amazed at, (Romanos 62) transformed at Konstantinos 9's will and choice, or Konstantinos, who had set his heart in harmony with Romanos
He discussed his plans as a charistikarios with Romanos 108
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 178.456-457
He dismissed criticisms made of Anonymus 2396 by monks
Psellos Letters (K - D) 77, 108.18-109.3
He does not criticise Isaakios 1 for his attempt (to restore the state), but he does blame him for the timing of his intervention; the third stage can wait: he will dwell further on the second
He does not know how both to preserve historical truth and to apportion appropriate homage to Konstantinos 9; but his excessive precision in historical truth does in fact conserve a part of Konstantinos 9's high reputation
He does not know whether Theodora 1 was returning to her innate character, so show that her past life was a sham, or whether she cultivated (lack of sympathy) so as not to be victim to the masses nor let anyone sway her with tears
He does not know whether to praise but cannot blame for what happened next (at Mantzikert): Romanos 4 was himself the recipient of the all the danger; his view is a mean in the controversy
He does not now wish to describe whom Anonymi 7011 preferred above the rest, but he will say that they did not completely miss their target, except that he (Michael 6) was not the kind of man to rule but rather one to be ruled and led
He does not say that later Eudokia 1's wisdom changed, but she relaxed her precision and did not keep to the end the same way of thinking; in her defence, even if she changed she did not succumb to pleasures and carnal desires
He does not talk (of events at Theodora 1's death) from hearsay, but was himself present when the decisions and plans were made, seeing with his eyes and hearing with his ears how Anonymi 7011 tossed imperial affairs as in a game of dice
He doubts whether any emperor had profounder wisdom (than Michael 7) or was quicker at hitting the mark on any question; it is agreed that certain deeds and words befit an emperor, others a philosopher and so on, but he encompassed all
He ended the encomium for the death of Styliane 2101 with a complaint of the dreadful finality of the death of one's child and then called on her to come in dreams to console her grieving parents
Psellos Styliane 85-87
He ended the Hypomnenma by addressing the defeated claimant Ioannes 2106, who challenged Basileios 2101 to swear an oath while refusing to swear himself; he proclaimed that this would prevent Ioannes from ever reopening the case
He expected to hear something too intimate and too grand (from Michael 7), but Michael so abased himself, ranked himself so humbly, so denounced his soul as to move even an adamantine nature to admire his deep humility
He expressed to Isaakios 1 extreme thanks for a reply to his letters
Psellos Letters (K - D) 215, 257.1-258.20
He gave an address to Romanos 4 at a banquet on behalf of the people of the capital, picturing him as a warrior (probably over the campaign of 1068), thanking him for his efforts and wishing him success in the battles of 1069
He had written many praises of Konstantinos 9 before this work and the public admired the extravagance of the panegyrics; he was not lying in this praise, but others mistook what he was doing
ὥς μοι καὶ ἄνω που τοῦ λόγου λέλεκται. Psellos: Chronographia VI 151.8-9
He has neither vied with the diffuse accounts of antiquarian historians nor imitated the conciseness of chronicles, so that his composition may neither be burdensome nor omit crucial points; enough of this now
He has never seen a soul more sympathetic than that of Konstantinos 9, either in the past or in anyone today, nor a soul more generous and more becoming to an emperor
He has not measured out his history by Olympiads, nor divided it by seasons, like Thucydides, but simply described what was most important and what he had gathered in his memory when writing
He has seen envy touch even emperors: the diadem and purple do not satisfy them, but unless they are wiser than the wise, cleverer than the sharp and in short the absolute summit of all the virtues, they are take it ill
He has written a long preface thinking of one who flourished in his day (Georgios 62), showed the skills of generalship, and no less by military daring and experience checked barbarian attacks, wooing for the Romans freedom without danger
He himself saw (the return of Ioannes 68 to the palace), and after receiving with his own eyes the truth of what happened, commits it to writing unchanged
He hints that behind the elderly nonentity Ophrydas there may lurk a man of greater education and knowledge of the law [Eustratios Romaios? - but he is unlikely to have lived so long]
He included in his encomium of Ioannes 289 a long comparison between Ioannes and St Paul, then revealed his secret plans to leave Euchaita for a monastery, questioning his motives and speaking against them
Psellos Orationes panegyricae XVII, 620-850
He is aware that to some later historians Konstantinos 9's indiscriminate bestowal of honours will be a source of panegyric
He is not surprised that Konstantios 61 respected Eudokia 1 as Konstantinos 61 was a child and not yet able to understand affairs: he will not bring himself to praise this respect
He is refraining at present from detailing every act, but has chosen a middle path between the antiquarians of the reigns and deeds of old Rome and those in our time whose habit is to compose chronicles
He knows that Michael 4 manifested total piety as emperor, not only devoting himself to divine churches, but also giving himself up to and doing the utmost service to monks
He listed the many documents produced in connection with Vivarion, in one case seeking to demonstrate identity of author by analysis of handwriting and orthography, in another case rebutting criticism based on comparison of dates
Psellos Hypomnema 47-120
He maintains, with God as his witness, that although Konstantinos 9 was afflicted and overwhelmed by such great ills and so absolutely wretched he never uttered a word of blasphemy against God
He omitted above all else to mention Konstantinos 9's physical condition when first he became emperor, from what prime and vigorous strength he was transformed to the opposite state ...; he will insert this here, beginning from his prime
He praised Ioannes 18 for becoming a legal expert so early in life, while Anonymus 168 had assumed that precocious knowledge of the law was against nature and therefore somehow bad; he pointed out the absurdity of this view
Psellos Against Ophrydas 374-488
He praised Michael 7, who had restored him to his position at court after a period of exclusion, the result of a false accusation; his encomium includes military as well as personal characteristics
He praised Konstantinos 10 for his spectacular victory over the Uzes, which he compared favourably to those of Moses and Alexander; he called on Konstantinos' children not to be discouraged by his example, but to emulate him
He praised the Atticism of Ioannes 2110, and the text on the Trinity he sent
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 125.373
He praised the recently installed Michael 7 as a young, accessible and cultivated ruler following bad times
Psellos Orationes panegyricae VIII, 1-123
He praised the sweet letter of Leon 62, but asked for more
Psellos Letters (K - D) 87, 115.25-116.18
He presented the De omnifari doctrina to Michael 7
᾿Αποκρίσεις συνοπτικαὶ καὶ ἐξηγήσεις πρὸς ἐρωτήσεις διαφόρους καὶ ἀπορίας γραφεῖσαι πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα κυρὸν Μιχαὴλ τὸν Δούκαν. Psellos De omnifari doctrina t.
He pretends to be nervous in speaking of the reforms of Konstantinos 9, because he will have to speak of himself as high in the meritocracy
Psellos Xiphilinos 421
He realised that Konstantinos 9 controlled his anger like a charioteer restraining a spirited horse: the blood rushed to his face, his body, suddenly stirred in anger, recovered itself yet more quickly and he immediately turned to reason
He repeatedly rejected history-writing because of Konstantinos 9, not in the least wishing to attribute blame to him and reveal in his account any actions not to his credit which it is right should pass unnoticed
He saw practically none of the emperors of his day - and there were many in his lifetime since the majority were only year-long - who conducted their reign liberally through to the end
He speaks of Konstantinos 10 on the basis of his own perceptions and opinions, not from hearsay; others may boast of Konstantinos 10's many great successes, but for him one thing balances all this
He speaks the truth in saying that it was not scientific reason that turned him from secular studies to Christian faith, but a divine power possessed him; may Mary and Christ be merciful if his deeds did not always match his word
He suffers the same emotions in writing about Michael 7 as he often did in looking at and admiring him: he cannot stop admiring him; no one should be disbelieving or suspicious because he writes during Michael 7's lifetime
He talks of the astrologers as he himself knows about their science, having long studied it and been of profit to many of them in their understanding of planetary aspects; but he does not believe that our affairs are directed by astral movements
He thinks that Ioannes 68 wished to transfer control of affairs to Konstantinos 9101, not himself attacking the emperor (Michael 5), but giving Konstantinos the opportunity for plotting
He tried to return to court after tonsure, asking Anonymus 2234 about his likely reception
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 114.358-359
He used extensive passages from Plato's Phaedrus to convict the founders of Nea Mone of using Hellenic madness, thus tainting Michael 11 with heresy
Psellos Kategoria 224-280
He used extensive passages from Proklos to convict the founders of Nea Mone of using Chaldaian concepts, again tainting Michael 11 with heresy
Psellos Kategoria 281-366
He used the vocabulary of the hippodrome asking Anonymus 2217 to govern Anonymus 2218 as a charioteer drives a horse
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 100.343
He uses patristic misogyny against Dosithea 2101, mentioning cross-dressing, irrationality and shameless movements, including Michael 11 in the condemnation several times
Psellos Kategoria 1030-1245
He usually attributes to divine providence the management of great affairs, or rather attaches to her everything which occurs, if our natural condition is not corrupted
He was amazed at the scene (of Michael 5 and Konstantinos 64 at the altar) and awestruck at the chorus of ills; but it was in fact a brief prelude to worse tragedies: these he will tell in turn
He was forced to justify to Anonymus 2229 his promotion as proedros
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 108.352-353
He was grieved at the time to see everything going up in flames (squandered on Anonyma 210) and no less pained now - he if anyone is a lover of the Romans and of his country - he blushes for his master and emperor (Konstantinos 9)
He was not very enthusiastic (to write) about contemporary topics, especially because he knew that in many matters he would clash with Konstantinos 9 and he would be ashamed if he did not offer complete eulogy to him
He was present at the events themselves (of Michael 4's reign) and learned of others which were more secret from those who were close to the emperor; he is a fair judge, unless one criticises his account of what he has seen and heard
He was requested to assist the substance of history (?) and prevent the past before his time from being thought worthy of record by posterity, but events in his own day being obscured in the depths of forgetfulness
He was responsible for much of Byzantine theological education at the time, and produced scores of small works for his students, some inspired by their questions and those of others, on the Bible and other theological issues
Psellos Theologica I, passim
He was the instigator of the plan to send missives deposing Romanos 4, as he himself says in his historical account of this
He was urged to the task (of writing history) by the arguments mentioned (above), but did not greatly welcome the enterprise, not relinquishing the undertaking through laziness but fearing one of two dangers
He well knows that many will probably narrate the life of Michael 4 in chronicles with some differences from his report, since notions contrary to the truth prevailed in Michael 4's own times
He will add that Michael 7 knew he was about to write about him, and ordered him not to write until the emperor himself had set out the main points of his character; then Anonymus 7044 read to him what Michael 7 had written
He will describe Konstantinos 10's reign, the nature of his acts, his policies, his initial position and the ends he reached, his objectives, his successes, innovations, his admirable acts and those not so, his civil and military policies
He will describe another more terrible uprising against Konstantinos 9, its origins and causes from the outset, the nature and source of the preceding rebellion, who dared undertake both and by whom he was encouraged to devise usurpation
He will describe something which is very good proof (that Eudokia 1 did not enjoy being empress)
ἐρῶ δέ τι τούτου σύμβολον μέγιστον. Psellos: Chronographia VIIb 4.12-13
He will first run back a little before this (the first war against Konstantinos 9), providing a head, as it were, for his creation; The proverbs say "Fine things are burdensome": as a result envy creeps down even on the few
He will leave (Konstantinos 10's wilfulness) here and investigate the record of his humanity and wisdom, as he has spoken about Konstantinos' justice; but he now recalls and will recount something that escaped him earlier
He will leave Konstantinos 9's public acts for the many who wish to record them, but disclose a part of his private acts that are a topic of talk and ambivalent between praise and blame: he elevates those that gave him his high reputation
He will not explain here how it happened that Michael 11 was expelled from Constantinople, as it would be a long story; anyone wishing to arbitrate (on his quarrel with Isaakios 1) would blame one for the start and the other for the end
He will not now give the reason why Romanos 4 insisted that he join the campaign, since he is abbreviating many things in his history, but he will tell when he writes about these things
He will not yet describe Michael 4's talent for argument, but will return to the beginning again and show how Michael immediately took thought for the careful management of affairs
He will not yet talk about this (his own service to Konstantinos 9), but will tell how and for what reasons and by what fortunes Konstantinos 9 came to the imperial rule
He will omit other things and as for the main element of the grief of Konstantinos 9, the work which he did on the tomb of Maria 64, he will defer that and put it in its proper place, narrating first what preceded this subject
He wishes in his account to give more detail about Ioannes 68: nothing vain nor false will be said, since when just getting a beard he saw and heard Ioannes 68, witnessed his actions and characterised him precisely
He wondered when he would see Eustratios 101 again: would the army stop before India?
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 124.372
He would be ungrateful and entirely unreasonable if he did not repay in very small part, by showing gratitude through his writings, the things he had received (from Konstantinos 9), some in actual deeds, others as a means to improvement
He would call Konstantinos 9's first act one of youthful folly, but his second he knows that he praised at the time and now no less he counts as noble, that is Konstantinos 9's lack of pomposity and malice
He would have kept quiet about that great movement and upheaval if he had not known that he would have been silent about the most crucial event of his Chronography
He would have wished that Konstantinos 9, if none of the other emperors, had had the lot (of being blameless), but events do not proceed according to our desires
He wrote (or rewrote) simple introductions in verse for Michael 7 on the inscriptions of the psalms, the Song of Songs, the Christian faith, the councils, the nomocanon, grammar, a summary of the laws and 3 riddles
He wrote a chrysobull granting to Epiphanios 2101 and his heirs permanent title to the estates of Phlorion and Galataria; the end of the document repeats several times that none of the others involved could possibly have a claim on them
Psellos Epiphanios 1-149
He wrote a chrysobull offering alliance to Robert 61, with marriage between their children, titles of honour and wealth for Robertos and his men in return for military aid; it was signed by all the emperors and the patriarch
He wrote a funeral encomium for his own daughter, Styliane 2101, for whom he had high hopes, but who died of disease [smallpox ?] while she was still young
He wrote a funeral encomium of Nikolaos, founder and later kathegoumenos of the monastery of Horaia Pege on Mt Olympos, with several indications of performance before the monks in the church of the monastery
He wrote a long encomium of his dead mother, stressing her uncompromising religious faith and the ways in which she prepared him for educational and literary success
He wrote a long letter to Michael 11, stressing that he had always supported him but complaining explicitly of the patriarch's total lack of consistency in responding to him
He wrote a monody for Anastasios 2101, speaking of losing him twice, first at his paralysis and then at his death; his sympathy for a student with whom he shared many interests caused a deep sense of loss and profound grief
He wrote a monody on Eirene 20117, wife of Ioannes 62 kaisar, a family he knew well; he had postponed the writing to avoid exaggeration due to raw emotion
Psellos Eirene 155-189
He wrote a monody on an anonymus patrikios, who had once been a fellow-student and had now become a close friend; he had died suddenly at a tragically early age
Psellos Monodies (Gautier) 135-143
He wrote a monody on his old student Romanos the repherendarios
He wrote a monody on the terrible earthquake of 23 September 1063, with a little description of the terror caused, and far more discussion of the reasons: divine anger at human sin
He wrote a panegyric for Konstantinos 9 [surely one of his first imperial commissions], which contained a fairly detailed summary of recent history (1043 summary)
He wrote a panegyric to Konstantinos 9 stressing philosophy and education, which was apparently delivered before his pupils, whom he recommended to the emperor at the end
He wrote a panegyric to Konstantinos 9, stressing his justice and mercy, his widening of Byzantine boundaries and his construction of beautiful buildings, like the Mangana complex and the tomb of Zoe
He wrote a parody of a canon satirising the monk Iakobos of the monastery of Synkellos for his consumption of wine [in one ms. it is connected to the 4-line version of the Anonymus 2133 Sabbaities poem, which seems irrelevant]
He wrote a request in iambics to Michael 4, asking for a position among the imperial notarioi; he speaks of the clearing of a great and dangerous cloud which had threatened to quench Michael's light (the Bulgarian revolt?)
Psellos Poema 16.1-17
He wrote a short encomium devoted explicitly more to the eastern rather than the western successes of Konstantinos 10, but with a possible reference to the invasion of the Uzes (ll. 22-24)
Τῷ αὐτῷ. Psellos Orationes panegyricae IX, 1-56
He wrote a speech for the second trial of Lazaros 2101, trying to persuade the Synod to return to the views they expressed at the first, to accept the annulment of Lazaros' deposition and banishment and to reinstate him
He wrote a speech of general praise for Konstantinos 9's all-round qualities; at the climax (ll. 79-80), he praises him for aqueduct construction in terms reminiscent of Orationes panegyricae I, ll. 238-244 - hence the suggested date
Τῷ αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ. Psellos Orationes panegyricae III, 1-84
He wrote a treatise based on texts referring to the Incarnation, directed from Michael 7 to the sultan Malik-Shah 51; the latter, according to the text, had shown interest in Christian doctrine
He wrote an elaborate speech for delivery to the patriarchal synod, seeking the condemnation of the patriarch Michael 11; because of the latter's death, it was never delivered
He wrote an encomium for Konstantinos 9 with conventional praise shading into clear and brief allusions to specific events, leaving a more complete treatment to others; he includes reference to Konstantinos' generosity to himself
He wrote an encomium for Eudokia 1 as patroness, praising her physical and moral attributes, especially her political wisdom in choosing Romanos 4 as emperor; he finally emphasised his own poverty, which threatened to silence him
He wrote an encomium of Theodora 1, speaking of an unspecified great evil from which the capital had been spared (the plague ?), Theodora's personal virtues and the promotion of an unnamed legal expert
Psellos Orationes panegyricae XI, 1-132
He wrote an encomium of Ioannes 289 for delivery in his presence, returning eloquent praise to his teacher of eloquence while still alive; he spoke of his education, his government carreer, his appointment to Euchaïta and retirement plans
He wrote an encomium of the patriarch Konstantinos 13 shortly after his death, stressing his virtues and the depth and especially the breadth of his learning: the readers would bear witness to this
He wrote an encomium of the patriarch Ioannes 18 shortly after his death, because it is important that extraordinary ability and virtue should be remembered
He wrote an encomium of the patriarch Michael 11 to be presented at his tomb before Konstantinos 10 and Eudokia 1, probably on the anniversary of his death
He wrote an encomium to Konstantinos 10 stressing combined success in East and West
Psellos Letters (K - D) 29, 41.24-43.14
He wrote an iambic poem of celebration for Isaakios 1 at the end of his first year of reign; a false prophecy had predicted that he would die in August, and now September had begun
He wrote an iambic poem on the death of Maria 64, including anguish over the event, then the laments of Maria's mother (Helena 101), brother (Romanos 104) and of Konstantinos 9, ending with his own consolation for the bereaved
He wrote an improvised encomium on Romanos 4, who was setting out against the Turks in mid-winter, spurning his new wife and the delights of his new imperial position; he wished him every success in battle
He wrote simple introductions in verse for Konstantinos 9 on the inscriptions of the psalms, the Song of Songs, the Christian faith, the councils and grammar
He wrote that Christ gave Eudokia 1 an apple, wine and bread
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 53.284
He wrote the hypomnema of the trial between himself and Elpidios 2101 over the annulment of the engagement between Elpidios and Psellos' own adopted daughter Euphemia 103; though he lost the verdict, he gained what he wanted
He wrote to Sergios 105 about surviving poisonous snake-bites
Psellos Letters (Karpozilos) 2.1-88
He wrote to Nikephoros 111, describing Anonymus 2616 he had sent him, expert with men, animals and trees; he told Nikephoros never to be treated by him, since he damaged his patients (of all sorts) and was only good for violent actions
He wrote two (alternative?) letters for Michael 7, proposing a marriage alliance with Robert 61
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 143-144.385-392
He wrote two letters to Anonymus 2311 about paradoxical events, relationships and causation
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 187-188.473-480
He wrote two monodies on two of his students, but the end of the first and the beginning of the second are lost; the first (A) is for the emperor Andronikos 62, brother of Michael 7, the second (B) for an anonymus ex-student, not Andronikos
Psellos A-B, 165-169
Heard from Anonymus 7002, who supplied him with materials for his history, that Romanos 4 wished to be persuaded that Zoe 1 was not erotically attached to Michael 4
His account (of Romanos 62) is not finished, but to complete it he must interweave another, inserting another topic necessary to his narrative; then he will go back and add what was omitted from the preceding
His account as it advances will reveal more clearly how Konstantinos 8 was destined not only to terminate the power with himself, but also after living only a short time and in bad health, to break off life suddenly
ὃν φθάσας ὁ λόγος ἐγνώρισε. Psellos: Chronographia VIIb 38.4
His account of Maria 64 terminated at the moment of her death; he will return again to Konstantinos 9, whom he will make the subject of the present part of the history
His account will detail in turn the sequel to Michael 4's epileptic attacks in the proper places; he will portray the emperor in health, just as he has in sickness
His account will show later how Ioannes 68, by deferring the moment for changing and deposing Michael 5, paid off the sum of his family's misfortunes himself
His account will show more clearly how it was that the palace enjoyed nothing from Romanos 3's harsh exactions, but the rivers of money were diverted elsewhere
His dear friend (?Konstantinos 13) did not ask him for an ambitious work but a summary one: so for him he has omitted from his history many things worth telling
His devotion to classical learning was still dominant, supported by the interests of Konstantinos 9 and the distinctions received from him; life as a monk was in store for the future
His inserted a long prologue so that when he says that Konstantinos 9 predicted or rejected something, people might not think Konstantinos 9 had prophetic powers but see his words as typical of his character: God's will decides events
His plan for the text sent to Malik-Shah 51 contained two parts: Old Testament prophecies of the Incarnation and pagan prefigurings of Christ; only aa part of the first section has survived, through damage to the ms in which it has survived
Psellos Malik-shah 142-175
His previous narrative has demonstrated that Michael 4 was elevated to the imperial rule from an ugly beginning
His wish was either to mention Konstantinos 9 in words of praise or to be silent about deeds of his which were not motivated by a praiseworthy intention
How could he in brief words describe the great marvel (of Isaakios 1's adventus)? He has taken part in many imperial processions and been present at religious ceremonies, but never seen such brilliance
If he himself has sometimes used the things he is advising against, it is no cause for surprise: for historical narrative is not so clearly defined as to be absolutely polished - there are places where excursus and digression are allowed
If he lives beyond his span, he will write another history for Konstantinos 62, when he has provided material for writing; if not, this record will satisfy Konstantinos and provide a starting-point for other historians
If he set out to praise the life of Konstantinos 9, but then rejected the causes of praise and was clearly seen to have assembled topics for blame, he would be most malicious, like Herodotos, whose History tells the Greeks' worst deeds
If of those involved in the account, a virtuous man has maligned him or a vicious one conferred favours, (the historian) will consider in his history none of the things done to himself but place each in his account with his proper conduct
If the historian were permitted to return a favour from goodwill or generosity of soul to one who had been kind to him and for this reason to distort his account, who would have glorified Konstantinos 9 with words of praise before him?
If when he examines openly even seemingly bad deeds, the shining virtue of Konstantinos 9's good deeds is preserved and the good outweighs the bad, then he will excel all emperors whose panegyrics are suspect, more plausible than true
In a small skiff he has ventured to cross a great sea; he will tell, as best he can, what great innovations divine justice brought to this critical time and to affairs of state after the exile of the empress (Zoe 1)
In another short encomium for Konstantinos 10, he referred to succeses in the east and over the Uzes in the west, to a new openness in government, and to Konstantinos' splendid wife and children
Τῷ αὐτῷ. Psellos Orationes panegyricae X, 1-53
In checking the report (that Konstantinos 9 was protected from all disaster by favourable fortune) he found no knowledge or foundation for the prophecy
In composing panegyric he does not collect everything indiscriminately, but putting aside the worse and selecting the better, he fits them together in proper order, binds them and weaves praise of a single excellent quality
In congratulating Konstantinos 120 on the birth of a son, he remembered life with his own adoptive family
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 157.409-412
In defending the shortcomings of Konstantinos 9, he asks if any man, particularly any emperor, was seen with his head crowned with the diadem of encomium for all of his deeds
In explaining the reason for Konstantinos 9's sudden affection for Ioannes 115 and his elevation, he will go back a little in his account to the time before Ioannes' regime
In fact he has written his history for this reason, so that it may be known that there is a human character (Michael 7's) comparable with the divine and far surpassing natures he has known
In his enthusiasm his account outlined the end before setting in place the opening to Romanos 3's reign; so he will now return to the birth of Romanos' power
In his view it was by divine intervention that Konstantinos 10 did not gain power then (when Isaakios 1 did) but later, so that he was raised to the summit of imperial power not by usurpation but by legitimate means
In his view, had not evil fate grafted onto Michael 4 his brothers (Anonymi 6008), so that he could not eliminate his family nor turn them to benefit because of their devious character, none of the famous emperors would have matched him
In speaking [of Konstantinos 9] he keeps rhetoric and persuasion within strict bounds; one applying fuller workmanship would draw every ear and heart to his will; but he does not praise such works and hates artful words that hide truth
In touching on Maria 64 and wanting to reveal her story in its entirety, his account has omitted many noteworthy things which preceded, so as not to have to mention matters relating to her one by one and break the continuity of the subject
Interrupting his narrative for a little he will first describe the mind and soul of the emperor (Michael 5), so that readers will not be amazed when he speaks about how Michael improvised his actions with no fixed starting-point
Interrupting the course of the narrative for a little Michael 61 will first describe his mind and soul, so that readers will not be amazed when the text speaks about how he improvised his actions with no fixed starting-point
Is unable to say accurately whether the attendants who went into the bath with Romanos 3 committed some crime against him (though the others who have written on this say that they did)
Is unable to say whether the loving couple (Zoe 1 and Michael 4) and their accomplices in the affair did something most untoward to Romanos 3, since he is reluctant to make a charge in matters where he has no certainty
It is his custom always not to consider individually either things which appear good or those thought to have been done ill, but to seek the causes and result of each, especially if the one providing the subject accepts such reasoning (?)
It would be superfluous to describe in the fabric of his history Konstantinos 9's laments at the death of Maria 64, his acts and how he howled aloud like a child, overcome by suffering
It would take a long time to catalogue all Michael 4's management and regulation in civil disturbances and foreign wars, but selecting one from all, that is the contest against the barbarians, he will run through it in summary
Knowing that it is habitual for men to invent stories, he is not quickly carried away by popular slanders, but submits what is said to tests and thereby verifies the deeds for himself
Many men frequently put pressure on him to write his history - not only secular officials and leading senators, but also others initiated in the mysteries of the Word and those of great sanctity and spiritual excellence
Many people were amazed that he suddenly relinguished the splendour he had slowly accumulated at a time when he had overcome many people's envy and transferred to the life of God
Most historians of emperors are amazed that none has a completely good reputation - some are better in youth, some in age, some chose pleasure, others philosophy but then failed in it - but he would be surprised rather at the contrary
Most men think that the nations around ran riot over the Roman boundaries suddenly and unexpectedly now for the first time, but he believes that the house was destroyed when the bonds binding it together came lose
Most of what he has said will perhaps open a door for the malicious to gossip, but as to what he is about to tell, he doubts if anyone would dispute its truth
Most people did not see the beginning of trouble, but it was planted and took shape from this first cause, and the gathering of the clouds then prepared for the present great rain: but he will not yet speak of this
Most terrible was it that all knew about the hypocrisy (of Romanos 62), but were quite unable to denounce it: all were victims of Konstantinos 9's folly and Romanos 62's public hypocrisy and forced to laugh when we should have wept
Much of his Against Ophrydas compared the achievements of Ioannes 18 with those of Anonymus 168 Ophrydas, including his illiterate libel; Ophrydas could not even understand the terms in which praise of Ioannes 18 must be couched
Psellos Against Ophrydas 80-198
Neither a poet of divinely inspired soul and tongue, nor an orator who had attained the utmost spiritual excellence and fluency ..., nor a philosopher who understood Providence ... would be able to tell with due measure what happened then
No one should blame him for digressing a little from the objective of his account, nor think the digression boastfulness; whatever he has said contributes towards the thread of his account
Of all the women whom he had seen Euprepeia 61 was the most steadfast and hard to influence: Konstantinos 9 was cautious of her, as he has said; Konstantinos 9 did not love her as counsellor (?), but feared rather than cultivated her
One could tell more such things of Konstantinos 9 if one wished; if he chose to praise him, the persuasive orator would use things that a historical account would probably reject as appropriate praise: he will mention some examples
One of the wise men known to him said that Romanos 3, while ignorant of earthly philosophy, examined deeper matters which could be apprehended by Mind alone
περὶ τῶν βαθυτέρων καὶ νῷ μόνῳ ληπτῶν, ὥς τις τῶν καθ’ ἡμᾶς εἶπε σοφῶν, διεσκέπτετο. Psellos: Chronographia III 13.9-13
Other writers, failing to recognise that imperial actions combine good and bad, neither blame unreservedly nor praise sincerely, deceived by the proximity of opposites; but he recognises blame, except in fabrications
People deal with misfortunes according to temperament: some are pessimists, others pleasure-lovers who shrug them off and a third group face trouble with resilience: but he has not yet met with the last type in his own generation
Promises to write more precisely about Zoe 1 in the appropriate place, whereas now he is running through his account of the daughters of Konstantinos 8
Psellos sent Ioannes 62 the first picking of fruit
Psellos Letters (K - D) 234, 284.6-285.17
Psellos wrote to Anonymus 2312, accepting praise for for his letters
Psellos Letters (Sathas) 189.480-483
Psellos wrote to Anonymus 2300 that his recall was being impeded by lack of access to the emperor
Psellos Letters (K - D) #No Reference#
Psellos wrote to Anonymus 2511 about perfection in kinship and friendship
Psellos Letters (K - D) 178, 199.23-200.5
Says that Isaakios 1, being devoted to hunting and often brandishing his spear-bearing right arm against bears and boars, was struck in the side by a cold draught
Since he has not undertaken to write an encomium but to compose an accurate history, he will speak without hiding anything: neither Zoe 1 nor Theodora 1 had a mind suited for rule
Since in this part of the history he has presented himself scrupulously, he will tell nothing false; if anything is not said it will lie hidden, but of what is said, nothing will be in any doubt as regards truth
Since no one is unassailable and each is characterised by what is dominant, why should he be ashamed to declare anything that Konstantinos 9 too had not done justly and fittingly?
So as to examine Leon 62 in all aspects (he notes that) he was quite different in private life, lavish and magnificent, his mind liberal, inaccessible to gifts; he was good company and accommodating to guests
ἵνα δὲ ἐν πᾶσι μέρεσιν τοῦτον παραθεωρήσωμεν, ἀλλοιότερος πως ἐν τοῖς καθ᾿ ἑαυτὸν ἐδόκει πράγμασι· .... Psellos: Chronographia VIa 9.3-11
So far his account has run smoothly on a smooth and 'royal' road, as the theologians say; but it hesitates to go on and describe the deed which should not have happened, but to say almost the same thing, absolutely had to happen
That Michael 7 should submit to Eudokia 1 and desist from government, although he was grown up and intelligent and had tested his intelligence in many things, this is not easy to find comparison for or to praise adequately
The account of Konstantinos 9 seems in some ways contradictory, changing and turning about as Konstantinos did; but he has compiled it truthfully, not rhetorically, making it like Konstantinos and sympathetic to him as emperor
The appointment of Michael 5 was the beginning of great future ills and this apparent foundation became the overturning of the whole family, as the account will later show
The encomium concludes with bafflement and defeat, with reference to the critics mentioned at the beginning, who indicate that he has failed badly in his struggle to encompass the achievements of Konstantinos 9
Psellos Orationes panegyricae IV, 496-577
The encomium passes on to imperial philanthropy, on the borders (the Pechenegs), in generosity towards plotters (anonymus ex-Scythian, Boilas), in aqueducts and hospitals, and in remembrance of Zoe 1 and respect for Theodora 1
Psellos Orationes panegyricae IV, 170-495
The historian must quickly call back the errant part (digression); while using the other things in a secondary way he should concentrate everything on the subject
The many who were with him and Romanos 4 on campaign know that he does not exaggerate in this description (of Romanos 4's envy of his strategic knowledge)
The orator needs only one good theme for praise and by clever handling can constrain even bad deeds into a source of praise; the historian, like a strictly impartial judge, does not incline to either side ... but simply tells what happened
The plant (of Zoe 1's and Theodora 1's family) blossomed and put out so many shoots, each with royal fruit, that it was not possible to compare others with it either in beauty or grandeur: but this is a digression in his narrative
There is no need to mention the name (of Anonymus 7033)
οὐδὲν δὲ δεῖ λέγειν τοὔνομα. Psellos: Chronographia VII 77.12
There were distinguished astrologers at this time, who he associated with; they occupied themselves little with movements about the sphere, but with astrological centres and related matters; they made predictions when called upon, some of them accurate
This proposition (about Konstantinos 9's fickle treatment of his friends) will be a beginning and occasion for (an account of) his own transferral to the better life (of a monk)
Though philosophers scorn everything excessive here and aim to understand what is necessary to nature as all else belongs outside life, he cannot be ungrateful to one who honoured him extremely (Konstantinos 9) and raised him above others
Through time the collection of historical material is already deficient for an account, so that there is a risk that events will be obscured by long time and in this respect the past would have no foundation
To avoid being accused of departing from the truth: Ioannes 18 and Ioannes 289 were devotees of philosophy, while he was occupied with the highest philosophy
To boast a little about his own natural adaptability, he was all things to Konstantinos 9, living as a philosopher as far as possible, but accommodating himself skilfully to Konstantinos
To describe in detail every deed or word and, as it were, to deal in trivia is not the role of the historian, but of the critic if the details are small or of the eulogist if they provide grounds for praise
To prevent his account seeming confused, he will first tell how the state got out of hand, then how Isaakios 1 tried to prune it but, third, did not always succeed; then he will tell how Isaakios 1 demitted rule and end his history
Took his material from others in speaking about Basileios 2 and Konstantinos 8, but sketched Romanos 3 himself, not through having learned from another
Unless they stand over us like gods, (some emperors) would be unwilling to rule; he himself has seen some who would gladly die rather than have certain people as allies or hold power because of them
Were he to write history instead of panegyric, how would he omit historical points but treat the panegyrical, as if forgetting his brief, discarding his art, not distinguishing subjects, but uniting to one end things with different aims?
When power inclined towards Zoe 1, first of all (as he has already said) she took precautions in the pressing circumstances by courting strength for herself not from afar but close at hand
Why should he not speak the truth (about his conversations with Konstantinos 9)?
τί γὰρ δεῖ μὴ τἀληθὲς λέγειν;. Psellos: Chronographia VI 197.15
Words are inadequate to describe the events that followed and the mind does not take in the measure of Providence: he speaks judging others' views by his own