Certainty: 2 Empress Maria remained in palace (because she & her son were vulnerable, not to marry Alexios). The empress Maria of Alania and her son Konstantinos stayed in the palace after the departure of Nikephoros III and the arrival of the Komnenians. She was, of course, the cousin (by marriage) of Isaakios Komnenos, and the adoptive mother of Alexios I, and this was enough justification. She was also a foreigner, without family support in Byzantium, and so she and especially her son were vulnerable. Others assumed that she remained there as a bride for Alexios. Anna Komnene, who was brought up in part by Maria and became a confidant, confirmed that her decision to stay in the palace was the result of fear
Certainty: 2 Alexios I left his wife & Doukai relations in the lower palace: he with Komnenoi lived in Boukoleon. When the Komnenoi began to feel secure in power, they sent for their wives from the monastery of Kanikleiou. Alexios I left in the lower palace his wife Eirene Doukaina with her siblings, her mother (Maria of Bulgaria) and her grandfather (Ioannes the kaisar). He himself lived up at Boukoleon. He had with him his own siblings and their spouses, together with his mother
Certainty: 2 Friction between Komnenoi & Doukai over coronation of Anna Doukaina. The Doukai had long been afraid of the undisguised hostility to them shown by Anna Dalassene. Then, when Georgios Palaiologos came with the fleet to acclaim the new ruler, he was told by the supporters of the Komnenians not to combine the name of Eirene Doukaina with Alexios and acclaim them together. He angrily told them that his participation in the revolution had not been for them but for the Eirene they were speaking of. He ordered the sailors to acclaim Eirene with Alexios. Gossip over the fact that the empress Maria remained in the palace was increased by this hostility of the Komnenians to Eirene, and their reluctance to have her acclaimed and crowned with Alexios. Ioannes Doukas the kaisar was determined to stop the gossip by removing Maria, and he secured the help of Kosmas I the patriarch in opposing the arguments of Anna Dalassene (?). Alexios as he assumed power had no thought for such gossip, but became the centre of activity, working from morning to night on military affairs. He associated Anna Dalassene and his brother Isaakios in government with him, although this was not because he could not rule alone. His first task was to free the city of unruly looters without causing a mutiny. It took the kaisar some days to persuade Alexios and Isaakios to remove Maria from the palace, despite the rumours, because of the many kindnesses received from her in the past, and their family relationships. Even so, when Alexios was crowned by Kosmas, he was alone, without Eirene
Certainty: 3 Nikephoros Melissenos in Constantinople. He came to Constantinople on April 8, to become a part of the new administration. Alexios honoured his promise to make Melissenos kaisar, but had to find a higher office (sebastokrator) for the oldest male in the family, his brother Isaakios. Kaisar thus became the third office in the acclamations, after sebastokrator: both wore crowns on public occasions
Certainty: 3 Letter of Gregory VII to the doge of Venice, urging him to avoid excommunicated Byzantines.
Certainty: 2 Alexios I & Isaakios, as soon as they were in power, cancelled the acts of Nikephoros III. As soon as Alexios I and his brother Isaakios had grasped power, they cancelled many of the acts of Nikephoros III. Not only did they abrogate the measures taken by Nikephoros after the moment whan they began the usurpation, but they went back further still, and abolished with a curt negative acts which he had put through while he was still fully in power as emperor
Certainty: 3 The patriarch Kosmas I crowned Eirene Doukaina, then resigned, to be replaced by Eustratios Garidas. The monk Eustratios Garidas, having gained a reputation for virtue by living near Hagia Sophia, frequently visited Anna Dalassena, flattering her (she was always well-disposed towards monks), so that she wished to make him patriarch. She suggested that Kosmas I, the current incumbent, would be happier if he were to step down. Kosmas himself disagreed with the way public affairs were managed by Alexios I, but gave up on trying to change the situation. However he swore to crown Eirene Doukaina before retirement: Eirene was crowned seven days after the succession of Alexios I, and known as "despoina" in accordance with Alexios' wishes. On May 8, he celebrated the festival of St Ioannes Theologos at the Hebdomon. Then he said to his servant "Pick up the psalter and follow me", and left the church. Though many times entreated by the rulers to return, he did not, having shepherded the faithful people for five years and nine months. Eustratios Garidas was elected in his place
Certainty: 3 Konstantinos, son of the empress Maria, became co-emperor; they moved to the palace of Monomachos at Mangana. Ioannes Doukas the kaisar suggested to the empress Maria that she ask Alexios I for a chrysobull guaranteeing her safety and that of her son Konstantinos, but also making the latter co-emperor, with all the privileges of that office. Alexios issued the document. As co-emperor, Konstantinos wore full crimson sandals, his signature appeared after that of Alexios I on chysobulls, he was acclaimed with Alexios and followed him in processions wearing an imperial crown. Maria had already received by a chrysobull of Nikephoros III the Mangana monastery and its palace, and also the monastery of the Hebdomon. She now moved with Konstantinos from the great palace to the Mangana, escorted by Alexios' brother Isaakios. Later she changed her dress to monastic black. Some say that this arrangement had been worked out between Alexios and Maria even before the Komnenian capture of power
Certainty: 3 Alexios I, guilt-ridden for the conduct of his troops, confessed & did heartfelt penance. Alexios I, as a well-brought up and god-fearing sovereign, suffered agonies of remorse and was deeply penitent about the damage done to Constantinople and its citizens during his entry, taking on himself the whole burden of guilt. He consulted Anna Dalassene, who embraced her son for his honesty. They decided together to put the matter in the hands of the patriarch Kosmas I and other leading churchmen.
Certainty: 3 Alexios I, virtually without troops or money, faced Turks in the east & Guiscard in the west. As soon as Alexios I had established his rule, he realised that the position of the empire was desperate. The Turks were destroying the east and Robert Guiscard had just crossed to Dyrrachion to invade the west. Alexios had very few troops, Varangians and those from Choma, and almost no cash with which to remedy the situation. His goal, to save the empire from a tumultous sea and bring it safe to harbour, seemed unattainable
Certainty: 2 Alexios I probably now appointed his highest dignitaries, mainly family members, inventing new titles. Having confirmed Eirene Doukaina as augousta, Nikephoros Melissenos as kaisar and invented the new, higher, title of sebastokrator for his brother Isaakios, Alexios went on to appoint members of his family to other high positions. His brother-in-law Ioannes Taronites became protosebastos and protovestiarios, soon to be promoted panhypersebastos and given equality to the kaisar. His brother Adrianos became protosebastos epiphanestatos. The youngest brother, Nikephoros, was made megas droungarios of the fleet and also given the rank of sebastos. These titles, some new and synthetic, others altering the meaning of older titles, show Alexios' full command of the science of government
Certainty: 2 Alexios befriended Leon & Nikephoros Diogenes & treated Eudokia well. From the time of his accesion Alexios took care of Leon and Nikephoros Diogenes, both out of pity (because of their fall from imperial status), and because they were splendid physical specimens, for any observer not blinded by prejudice. Excellent judge of character as he was, he disregarded envious and prejudiced comments about Leon and Nikephoros, gave them every help and treated them like his own children. He also had great affection for their mother Eudokia, presenting her with gifts and dignities appropriate to an empress
Certainty: 3 Alexios I asked eastern governors to consolidate defence but bring surplus troops to the capital. Alexios I sent letters to the governors of areas in the east which were bravely resisting the Turks, announcing the change of emperor and introducing himself. He then told Dabatenos of Herakleia in Pontos, Bourtzes of Cappadocia and Choma, and others, to leave adequate garrisons in the areas under their control but to bring as many surplus troops as possible to the capital for use against Robert Guiscard
Certainty: 3 Georgios Monomachatos from Constantinople to Dyrrachion. Georgios Monomachatos had been appointed by Nikephoros III as doux of Dyrrachion and of all Illyrikon; he was at first unwilling, but became the victim of a whispering campaign by the Scythians Boril and Germanos, who raised Nikephoros' suspicions against him. His friend, the Alan Ioannes, told him of the hostility of the Scythians, and the resultant suspicions of Nikephoros; Ioannes had overheard a discussion between Nikephoros and his empress. Ioannes asked Georgios to decide how best to react. Georgios approached Nikephoros and accepted enthusiastically the post at Dyrrachion about which he had been reluctant, with written instructions. As he set out for the west, he met Alexios (I) near the Pege monastery. He complained to him that because of Alexios the Scythians were driving him out of his beloved city into exile: he asked for comfort, which Alexios gave. He went to Dyrrachion and became its doux: but he followed events (in part via letters of Alexios which explained his seizure of power), weighing up the prospects of Alexios and Robert Guiscard. When Alexios asked for money and aid, Georgios refused, trying to postpone a choice of side till one was victorious. Alexios suspected he might defect when he heard of the fall of Botaneiates. He even cultivated Mihailo of Dalmatia and his son Konstantinos Bodin as a third possibility for salvation, should Alexios and Robert not be available
Certainty: 3 Robert Guiscard left his son Roger in Italy, planning to attack Dyrrachion by sea aided by Bohemond on land. Robert Guiscard conducted a brutal enlistment and training of males in his dominions, regardless of age and competence. He then waited at Otranto for his wife Gaita, who would come with him, and wrote to the pope about the governance of his realm in his absence. He made his son Roger ruler of the whole of Apulia and instructed him with Robert of Loritello, to go to the aid of the pope against Henry IV, if necessary. For some reason he changed his mind about Roger and took him with him. Robert moved on to Brindisi, from where the forces would cross, gathering 150 ships and 30,000 men; he regretted that an offer of friendship to Alexios (I) brought no results. Then Raoul, his envoy, returned from Constantinople with annoying news and recommendations. Raoul reported having seen the real Michael VII living in a monastery, and so called Raiktor an imposter. Equally, Nikephoros III, who had insulted Helena, had now been dethroned by Alexios I, who was guilty of nothing. Raoul thus saw no justification for the attack. Robert was incensed at his envoy's words, supported by Raiktor. Raoul, whose brother Roger had deserted to Alexios I, only escaped their threats by taking refuge with Bohemond. The expedition continued, Robert crossing from Brindisi to Dyrrachion rather than Otranto to Nikopolis (giving access to Naupaktos and other fortresses), as the shorter journey was better in winter. A side-expedition gave him Kerkyra and other towns. He attacked Dyrrachion by sea supported by a destructive raid on land by Bohemond
Certainty: 3 Despite a destructive storm, Guiscard assembled his forces & threatened Dyrrachion. The unpredictable behaviour of George Monomachatos increased Guiscard's enthusiasm for the attack. When he heard of the arrival of Georgios Palaiologos at Dyrrachion, Robert immediately fitted out his fleet with towers suitable for capturing cities and covered them with defensive hides, his final preparations for the expedition. He set sail for Dyrrachion in strict formation, hoping to capture it quickly by surrounding it with siege machines both on land and sea, which would prepare the way for a violent assault. But as he passed Kerkyra, at a headland called Glossa, he was struck by a terrible and ominous summer storm, which sank many of his ships and drove others on to the rocks; the siege-towers and heavy defensive skins made the ships less sea-worthy. His losses in the storm did not deter him from his purpose. He stayed for a week at Glabinitza to recover and wait for his last forces to arrive, before reaching Dyrrachion with Bohemond. The army assembled outside the city by June 17. His army and fleet continued to increase in size, and neighbouring towns were captured and laid waste. An anonymous Latin envoy from the archbishop of Bari to Guiscard was the source of Anna Komnene for this part of her history
Certainty: 3 Alexios I forced Sulayman of Nicaea to stop raiding close to the capital & make peace. Sulayman ibn Kutulmush's troops, from his capital at Nicaea, were able to raid as far as Damalis. The Turks were in full view from the capital, where there was general despair. Alexios I devised a plan to deal with the Turkish incursions by small-scale raids of increasing frequency, making sure that his men only fought when they would win; thus he slowly drove the enemy from the coast. As Sulayman's forces were driven back, he sued for peace, with a border along the river Drakon. Alexios, well aware of the threat from the west, accepted, and so had time to deal with the terrible war against Guiscard and Bohemond
Certainty: 3 Monomachatos defected, but was persuaded to return by a chrysobull guaranteeing his safety. Alexios I, not trusting Georgios Monomachatos, sent his brother-in-law Georgios Palaiologos to replace him as doux of Dyrrachion. He was to use cunning methods to evict his predecessor, as there was no army with which he could use force. Palaiologos' arrival at Dyrrachion led to the defection of Monomachatos to Konstantinos Bodin and Mihailo. Palaiologos reported this immediately to Alexios 1, who sent a chrysobull to Monomachatos guaranteeing his safety. He used this as a safe-conduct to return to Constantinople. Alexios wrote many letters to governors of coastal towns and islands, exhorting them to be vigilant in preparing to defend themselves against Guiscard
Certainty: 2 Philaretos Brachamios, a supporter of Romanos IV, seized power in Antioch at fall of Nikephoros III.
Certainty: 3 Alexios I sought to win allies against Robert Guiscard. Alexios I realised he had to take the initiative against Robert Guiscard, by influencing his counts and other western allies against him. He therefore sent letters with moderate gifts to Hermann, duke of Lombardy, pope Gregory VII, and Herve archbishop of Capua, together with all the other leaders of the Keltic lands, promising greater subventions and dignities if they renounced Guiscard
Certainty: 3 Georgios Palaiologos fortified Dyrrachion, rallied the defenders & reported to Alexios I. Alexios I instructed Georgios Palaiologos to repair the battlements of Dyrrachion leaving most of the planks without nails; thus if the enemy climbed ladders, as soon as they reached the battlements they would crash to the ground. He followed these instructions. He also saw to the manning of the walls and set up catapults there, and personally tested the vigilance of his sentinels, reporting everything to Alexios I: Robert's own catapults, his huge tower protected by hides with catapults on top, and his growing army and fleet
Certainty: 3 Siege of Dyrrachion began with questions over identity of "Michael VII". As the siege of Dyrrachion began, Georgios Palaiologos had questions asked from the walls as to why it was happening. The answer given was that Robert Guiscard was anxious to restore his relative Michael VII to the throne and avenge the insults he had suffered. The defenders promised, if they saw Michael, immediately to revere him and give Dyrrachion to him; but they rejected and abused the person that Robert produced, though appropriately dressed and escorted. While discussions proceded over Michael's identity, the besieged made a small but successful raid on the besiegers. Some said this "Michael VII" was genuine, others that he was Michael's cup-bearer, others that he was a complete fabrication by the ambitious and greedy Robert [presumably the monk Raiktor]
Certainty: 3 Anna Dalassene had full imperial powers by a chrysobull, & reformed the women's area of the palace. Alexios I would have preferred his determined and intelligent mother to rule rather than himself, but had to introduce such ideas with care because he knew she planned to spend the end of her life in a monastery, and was aiding him out of maternal affection. When in the month of August he was forced to leave the city to fight Robert Guiscard, he entrusted her with full powers, confirming by a chrysobull her position as his full bureaucratic equal, especially in his absence: [detailed (and authentic?) wording is provided in the text]. Despite her religious observances (often at the church of St Thekla), she was a very hard worker, starting around second cock-crow with the aid of her secretary Gregorios Genesios, and devoting most of the day to public affairs. One particular contribution of hers was to reform the women's area of the palace, which had long fallen below desirable moral standards
Certainty: 3 The Venetians were paid for aid: they defeated Bohemond & were rewarded. Alexios I was informed by Georgios Palaiologos of the massive size of the force attacking Dyrrachium, and realised the problem he faced. Thus he communicated with Sulayman of Nicaea and with the Venetians to enrol them as allies. Using promises and gifts he called upon the Venetians for aid against Robert. They equipped a large expedition, paid for by privileges enshrined in chrysobulls. Arriving at Pallia, the Venetians first shrank from fighting the well-armed Norman fleet. Robert sent his son Bohemond to make the Venetians acclaim Michael VII and Robert himself. Next day they refused to do this and made fun of Bohemond's beard. He attacked them as they were in the "sea harbour" formation, but after a hard fight he was defeated and pursued back to his camp. The Venetians then sent ambassadors to Alexios, who rewarded their doge Domenico Silvo. Later they were given a small quarter in Constantinople
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming possessions & exemptions for Amalfitan monastery on Athos. The emperor Alexios I Komnenos issued a chrysobull for the monastery of the Amalfitans (Athos) confirming an exkousseia on its properties and paroikoi (presumably granted by earlier emperors)
Certainty: 3 Alexios I wrote to Pakourianos, asking him to gather troops; they left Isaakios governing the capital. Alexios I wrote to Gregorios Pakourianos telling him of Robert Guiscard's seizure of Avlon and his determination to persist in spite of reverses. Alexios told Gregorios to gather his forces and join him with all dispatch. Isaakios, Alexios' brother, was left to govern the capital. His roles included countering enemy propaganda and maintaining the morale of the imperial women - though not, of course, that of the indomitable Anna Dalassene
Certainty: 3 Pakourianos left Adrianople & joined Alexios I: list of the commanders of the army. Gregorios Pakourianos left Nikolaos Branas as his replacement in Adrianople and led heavy-armed infantry and nobles to join Alexios I. Alexios had organised his army to march in battle formation, for the purpose of familiarisation. Konstantinos Opos was the commander of the corps of the exkoubitai, Antiochos of the Macedonian contingent, Alexandros Kabasilas of the Thessalians, Tatikios of the Turks living near Achridos. Xantas and Kouleon led their fellow-religionists the Manichaeans, while the troops specially attached to the emperor, the vestiaritai and the Franks, were under the command of Niketas Panoukomites and Konstantinos Oumpert(opoul)os
Certainty: 3 News of battles near Dyrrachion: Palaiologos was wounded, war was conducted by towers. A messenger from Dyrrachion brought Alexios I news of the siege. Robert had carefully prepared the attack on Dyrrachion with every possible siege engine, but his actions were patiently met by Georgios Palaiologos, who laboured night and day for the defence. Finally Georgios opened the gates and attacked, but he suffered many wounds, especially an arrow near the temple, the head of which could not be removed from the wound. Even so, he had fought on into the night. Realising how badly Georgios had been wounded and with what determination he had continued fighting, Alexios quickened his march. Robert had later built a huge siege tower, but it had been neutralised, then totally destroyed by the defenders. He planned to make another
Certainty: 3 Alexios camped at Dyrrachion, wrote to Guiscard & searched for the right battleground. Alexios I arrived quickly at Dyrrachion, fortified a camp by the river Charzanes, and sent messengers to Robert Guiscard, asking why he was besieging the city. He then reconnoitred the terrain near the church of Hagios Nikolaos and found it suitable for a battle
Certainty: 3 Palaiologos was summoned by Alexios' seal-ring: a decision was taken to fight at once. Alexios summoned Georgios Palaiologos for a meeting outside Dyrrachion; but he regarded it as fatal for a commander to leave a besieged city, and came only reluctantly after the third summons, when he had received as a token the ring from Alexios' finger. He arrived escorted by some warships. He advised against an immediate battle, supported by other experienced leaders, who wanted to wear Guiscard down by skirmishing, with the support of Bodin and the Dalmatians. The majority of the young commanders, however, advised that they fight immediately, especially Konstantios the porphyrogennetos, Nikephoros Synadenos, Nampites commander of the Varangians, and Leon and Nikephoros, sons of Romanos IV
Certainty: 3 Guiscard hinted at peace, if Michael VII was avenged - with details completely unacceptable to Alexios. The envoys sent to Guiscard brought back a message which hinted at peace, but set the recompense to "Michael VII" so high that it could not be accepted. It was an attempt to shift the blame for the war on to Alexios. The decision was to fight at once
Certainty: 3 Guiscard addressed his counts, allowed them to choose him as leader, & successfully proposed burning their boats. Guiscard addressed his counts (as reported in the text of Anna Komnene), reminding them of the wrong done to his daughter Helena by Nikephoros III. He claimed that the new younger Alexios I should accept responsibility - but warned he would be much harder to defeat. To win the upcoming battle they needed unity of command - and he shyly allowed them to choose him as leader. They also needed absolute determination - and he successfully proposed burning their baggage and sinking their boats
Certainty: 3 Alexios planned to attack Guiscard's camp; Guiscard moved his army & drew it up for battle. Alexios I planned to assault Robert Guiscard's camp from two sides: all his non-Christian troops were to attack via salt-pans in the rear, while he would lead a frontal assault once he knew the others had arrived. However Guiscard left his camp empty, crossed a bridge and reached Hagios Theodoros, where his men took communion. Then he drew his forces up in three parts: he led the centre, Amicus of Molfetta the seaward wing and Bohemond the landward. When Guiscard moved his army, Alexios quickly redirected his own troops to Robert's new position, giving a special role to the Varangians under Nampites, but allowing the attack from the rear on Robert's camp to continue. In drawing up his army, he led the centre, while he put Nikephoros Melissenos in charge of the right wing and Gregorios Pakourianos of the left; Nampites with the Varangians was positioned in front of the centre with a corps of archers
Certainty: 3 After a closely-fought struggle, the Normans were completely victorious, with heavy Byzantine casualties. Alexios I began the battle by confronting the troops of Guiscard, while other forces attacked Guiscard's camp in the rear and a sally was made from Dyrrachion. Alexios was not tricked by Guiscard into breaking up his line. The forces of Amicus of Molfetta advanced boldly but were defeated by Nampites and his Varangians and driven into the sea. There they unsuccessfully begged enemy ships for help, till they were abused and made to fight again by Guiscard's wife Gaita. The Varangians advanced too fast and tired, and Guiscard saw this and sent infantry to attack them. The Varangians were defeated and massacred; the survivors took refuge in and on the roof of the church of the Archangel Michael, expecting asylum, but the church was burned and they were wiped out. Guiscard himself had made a number of intelligent decisions, and now that the Byzantine forces were wavering, he performed acts of daring and bravery to complete their defeat. Konstantinos Bodin retreated without having struck a blow, having waited till it was plain that Robert would be victorious. Byzantine casualties were very heavy, including Konstantios the porphyrogennetos, Nikephoros Synadenos, Nikephoros Palaiologos, Zacharias, Oshin (Aspietes) - who survived his wounds - and many other nobles. Alexios was attacked by three prominent Latins: Amicus of Molfetta, whose lance missed him because his horse veered; Petros Aliphas, whose lance he parried, then wounded him badly in the arm; and a third assailant, who landed only a glancing blow as Alexios swayed out of the way
Certainty: 3 When all was lost, Alexios made his escape - both heroic & miraculous, as reported to Guiscard. Alexios I, though himself remaining a tower of strength, realised the battle was lost when he saw the Turks from his army retreating and Konstantinos Bodin retiring without striking a blow. He began to think of his own survival. Guiscard reached Alexios' camp and realised the battle was won. He then gathered his fit men and told them to capture Alexios himself. Nine of them cornered him at Kake Pleura, but at close quarters they got in each other's way and were thrown off balance. Then his horse Sgouritzes (which had been named by the rebel Bryennios), as if winged, achieved an incredible leap up a crag, and nobody could follow. Later he was chased by others: first he turned back and killed his closest pursuer, then he met a line of enemies seeking to capture him. He rode at the best-armed among them (whom he thought to be Guiscard) and transfixed and killed him. It was only Guiscard's second in command, but by defeating him Alexios broke the line and was able to escape from the battlefield. When Guiscard's men came back to him empty-handed, he at first abused and threatened them, but later he was impressed by the amazing description one of them gave of Alexios I's leap at Kake Pleura, and pardoned them
Certainty: 3 Alexios in his escape reached Ohrid; but Dyrrachion would now be defended by Venetians & Komiskortis. Alexios I, ater losing the battle near Dyrrachion, passed two days and nights crossing the mountains, spent a time in the Babagora, then reached Ohrid. He grieved for the loss of life and was anxious for the future of Dyrrachion, but his morale remained high. In the rush of events surrounding the battle, Georgios Palaiologos had been unable to return to the city, leaving it leaderless. Alexios placed the citadel of Dyrrachion under the control of its chief Venetian inhabitants, while putting the town under the rule of the Albanian Komiskortes, giving him useful advice by letter
Certainty: 3 After plundering Alexios' camp, Guiscard returned to his own, deciding whether to stay near Dyrrachion or advance further. After the battle at Dyrrachion, Guiscard seized the Byzantine camp and the imperial tent as the trophies of victory, then he returned to the camp he had occupied earlier in the siege. He debated whether to return to attacking the walls of the city, or to postpone that till the following spring and in the meantime advance to winter in Glabinitza and Ioannina
Certainty: 2 Death of Mihailo of Duklja; accession of his son Konstantinos Bodin. Mihailo, king of Duklja, died. He was succeeded as king by his son, Konstantinos Bodin
Certainty: 3 Surrender of citadel of Shayzar to Usama's grandfather, Sadid al-Mulk 'Ali.
Certainty: 3 Bad weather helped Venetians & Byzantines to block the arrival of reinforcements from Italy.
Certainty: 2 Gregory VII wrote to Robert Guiscard, congratulating him but summoning him back. He congratulated Robert Guiscard on his successes in the Balkan campaign [victory against Alexios I], but reminded him to remember always the debt he owed to St Peter. He recalled the promise Robert had made to help in times of need, calling upon him to return to assist the church against the depredations of the emperor Henry IV
Certainty: 2 Barsegh went to Albania to seek consecration as katholikos in Ani from Kvirike.
Certainty: 1 ? Chrysobull of Nikephoros III for Amalfitan monastery on Athos?. Nikephoros III issued a chrysobull for the Amalfitan monastery on Mount Athos
Certainty: 1 Donation of Tadrinou (Derkos) to Leon Kephalas by Nikephoros III. A property at Tadrinou in the petiton of Derkos (Thrace) was granted to Leon Kephalas by Nikephoros III
Certainty: 0 Betrothal by rebel Alexios Komnenos of his daughter Anna to Konstantinos Doukas [false]. One source, the preface of Bryennios, makes the betrothal of Anna and Konstantinos occur after Alexios had rebelled by leaving Constantinople, and before he returned in triumph to capture the city. [This is false information which cannot have been written by Bryennios who must have known the truth: Anna, whom he was to marry himself, was not yet born. Perhaps the anonymous writer of the preface was seeking to stress that Alexios I intended to preserve the Doukas inheritance from Michael VII, before he was (presumably) frustrated by Konstantinos' death]
Certainty: 1 Army proclaimed Alexios Komnenos emperor at Adrianople [disagreement]. There is disagreement in the sources over the reaction of Adrianople to Alexios Komnenos as he moved towards the capital. Anna said that he was not acclaimed there, as it was the home town of Nikephoros Bryennios, while Bryennios and Zonaras said that he was able to claim the heritage of Isaakios I
Certainty: 1 Abdication of Nikephoros III; smooth accession of Alexios I Komnenos [falsification]. Nikephoros III greatly honoured the Komnenian brothers, acknowledging their right to the throne. Alexios was proclaimed emperor, and took over the city and the empire without meeting opposition from Nikephoros. [Presumably this is a falsification in the writing of Bryennios and Zonaras which attempts to conceal the embarassment of the violent capture of Constantinople by the Komnenian forces]
Certainty: 1 Sale of property by Kosmidion (Constantinople) to Amalfitan monastery (on Athos). Eugenios, hegoumenos of Kosmidion, sold (on behalf of Kosmidion) to Benediktos, hegoumenos of the Amalfitan monastery (Amalphenon) on Athos the property of Platanos in the episkepsis of Prinarion. The price was 24 pounds of gold paid in hyperpyra and witnessed by two taboullarioi. Information on the sale was provided to the Amalfitans by two tabelliones, at the intiative of the sellers. The transfer of the property was confirmed by the hegoumenos and three other monks of Kosmidion, David, Hilarion and Ioannes, and witnessed by three clerics with links to Blachernai; the document was drawn up by Ioannes, imperial klerikos and notarios of Blachernai
Certainty: 1 Khusro raided Edessa, then attacked Harran, which was ruled by Sharaf ad-Dawlah.
Certainty: 1 Alexios I issued chrysobulls for various monasteries. Following his accession Alexios I issued chrysobulls for monasteries in Constantinople and around the city. To those which were near he granted wheat and oil, to those in the mountains a wider range of necessities, including clothing
Certainty: 3 Inhabitants of Dyrrachion (mainly from Amalfi & Venice) surrendered the city to Guiscard. Most of the inhabitants of Dyrrachion were migrants from Amalfi or Venice. They pondered whether to continue defence against Guiscard. They were greatly influenced by what had happened to Alexios I - his high casualties, the distinction of those killed, the departure of the fleets - but also Guiscard's likely return the next year bringing the same dangers. After a thorough and frank debate, they reached an impasse, which was solved by deciding to open the gates and surrender the city to Guiscard, an action particularly popular with migrants from Amalfi. Guiscard took possession of Dyrrachion and examined the available forces by nationality, listing deaths and wounds, serious or trivial, as a basis for gathering mercenary forces for a spring offensive
Certainty: 3 Alexios I made military & financial preparations for the campaigns of 1082. After his disasters of the previous year, he devoted himself entirely to avenging them, a worthy and much younger rival to Guiscard. After a rest at Ohrid, he went on to Diabolis to raise the morale of the exhausted survivors from his army. He did all he could to gather new recruits at Thessalonike. His experiences of 1081 made him criticise the lack of training among his troops. He badly needed expert allies, but these could only be found using money, of which there was none, since Nikephoros III had so denuded the treasury that it was no longer even kept locked. He rejected the solution of abdication, and decided to struggle on, trying to maximise income and military morale. He put Anna Dalassene and Isaakios his brother in charge of raising money. They contributed all their own valuables, as did the empress Eirene, and persuaded public-spirited relatives and friends to do the same. But it was not enough, as the mercenaries were insatiable
Certainty: 3 Alexios I granted a chrysobull to Vatopedi, exchanging its solemnion for tax exemption & pasture rights. Sergios Tourkopoulos, monk (hegoumenos?) of Vatopedi, requested that Alexios I exchange its solemnion of 72 nomismata for a tax exemption on two of its properties and on its rented buildings and bath in Chrysopolis, as well as pasture rights on Athos. This Alexios did, asking Ioannes, protoproedros and protoasekretis, to register the exchange
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming ownership of Tadrinou (Derkos) to Leon Kephalas. After the accession of Alexios I, he was asked by Leon Kephalas for a chrysobull to confirm the donation of a property at Tadrinou (Derkos), with full ownership and exemption apart from the demosion. The praktikon for the property was drawn up after the change of emperor by Basileios Tzirithon, protoproedros and exisotes of the West, who then transferred ownership to Kephalas. The chrysobull was issued
Certainty: 3 Muslim b. Quraysh raided Byzantine lands by the unusual route of the Syrian passes, besieging Missis. Muslim b. Quraysh had captured Aleppo, and with it other places like 'Azaz. From there he was the first person to attack Byzantine territory by the direct route over the Syrian passes, not going through the territory of al-Jazira; he then laid siege to Missis
Certainty: 3 Lay revenues were not enough; Alexios seized church property, claiming this was canonical in emergencies. On the advice of Anna Dalassene and Isaakios his brother, who had examined the canons, Alexios I found it was permissible to use church property in emergencies to ransom prisoners. By a slight extension he used a few church treasures to hire soldiers. Thus a few sacred objects were converted into money to meet this emergency, since they were idle and of little use where they were
Certainty: 3 Ioannes Italos was interrogated by the sebastokrator Isaakios, then confined by the patriarch Eustratios Garidas. When Alexios I looked at the church, he found it in a bad state, largely because of Ioannes Italos, who promoted Hellenic culture (though suggesting that all study the Bible first); Alexios asked Isaakios his brother to make a preliminary study of Ioannes' case. Issakios found he was a troublemaker, whose pupils had in the past included rebels and potential rebels, and still had many young supporters and pupils, several of whom frequented the palace and put forward theories without any real knowledge of philosophy. Isaakios publicly rebuked him, and remanded him, again on Alexios' advice, to an ecclesiastical tribunal. In front of the tribunal he was unable to hide his lack of education, spouted dogmas foreign to church teaching and made fun of church dignitaries etc. Thus he was confined by Eustratios the patriarch to the buildings of Hagia Sophia. But so far from being improved by Eustratios, in fact he influenced the patriarch to follow some of his ideas, almost making him a disciple. The result was a popular attack on Hagia Sophia, from which Ioannes had to hide to save his life
Certainty: 3 Report by Alexios on Ioannes Italos & the way he should be dealt with. Alexios I and the bureacracy documented how Ioannes Italos had been examined and how his trial should continue. Ioannes took the initiative by asking the patriarch Eustratios to clear his name, after the unsatisfactory enqiry under Michael VII. Ioannes sent a confession of faith and was questioned by the synod. He first spoke of the Trinity, but with false terminology; after failing to justify it, he anathematised his errors. His statement of the Incarnation could be called Arian or Apollinarian, but the issue was discussed by Gregory of Nazianzos. He also wrongly spoke of "belief in" the Theotokos and "worshipping" icons. More terminology errors were found in simple discussion, but he willingly anathematised them. The next day, he and friends came with books for an in-depth discussion, but after a popular riot against him in the great sekreton the case was passed to Alexios I. He addressed an imperial pittakion to the patriarch, so that complaints against Ioannes could be examined and his unorthodox ideas presented for decision on the right course of action. He called a meeting of metropolitans with church and lay officials, deciding that his report should be read out before them, in the presence of Ioannes and his followers, so that the guilty could confess and anathematise their errors. When Alexios introduced ten charges of pagan impiety, Ioannes admitted nine, and the other (stoning an icon) was to be investigated. All documentation was checked (seeking a missing signature) and sent to the chartophylakion of Hagia Sophia, to stop the spread of Ioannes' doctrines. Equally, anyone throwing doubt on the verdict must be anathematised, and Ioannes' followers examined
Certainty: 3 Four meetings to set out & implement Alexios' report on Ioannes Italos. The trial of Ioannes Italos had begun at his own instigation, taken up by the patriarch Eustratios Garidas. But it soon took on a more serious dimension when it was interrupted by a violent popular demonstration against Italos, making Garidas pass the responsibility to Alexios I. The examination of Italos was then completed (it is unclear how far Garidas had reached), and Alexios issued a pittakion and a semeiosis detailing the results. Four further meetings are then referred to: a largely procedural meeting between imperial and patriarchal officials with a few metropolitans, already decribed, then three synodal sessions, on March 20, March 21 and April 11. Those recorded as attending these meetings are listed here. One or both of Alexios' reports seem to have been part of the agenda of the first and third of these meetings
Certainty: 3 The synod cleared five alleged disciples of Italos of contamination by his teaching.
Certainty: 3 Italos' opinions were widely discussed, even at court; Alexios summarised them, & demanded public recantation. When the views of Ioannes Italos still circulated, even in the palace, Alexios had them summarised under eleven headings. Ioannes was told to retract them all publicly in Hagia Sophia, with a full congregation joining in an anathema for each of them. But even this did not stop him
Certainty: 3 Italos still supported the 11 heretical propositions, & was excommunicated; the sentence was later moderated. Ioannes Italos, even after his eleven propositions were anathematised, continued to support them. He was warned over this by Alexios I, but boorishly rejected this advice, so he too was placed under anathema and excommunicated. After excommunication he recanted again, and so his penalty was reduced by making his name in the sentence vague and indirect. Later he modified his views more radically, and he was anxious to square them with orthodoxy
Certainty: 3 Guiscard, hearing of descent by Henry IV, returned to Italy, warning Bohemond to persevere against Alexios. When preparations for war against Alexios I were going well, Guiscard was suddenly informed by a messenger that Henry IV of Germany was about to invade Italy. This was a danger in itself, and also brought up the problem of providing for his younger son Bohemond as well as the firstborn Roger. Guiscard gathered his counts and announced that he had to return to Italy to defend it against Henry. He told them that Bohemond was now ruler of his conquests in Epiros beyond the Adriatic, telling them to obey him. He turned to Bohemond and told him not to dictate to the counts but to work with them, and to fight persistently against Alexios, respecting his experience and bewaring of overconfidence because of the victory already won. Guiscard and Gregorios VII marched to meet Henry, who at first was keen to carry out his promises to Alexios I to invade Lombardy, but later, when he heard of the disasters of 1081, was reluctant to run risks and withdrew
Certainty: 3 The sebastokrator Isaakios before the synod won the right to use church property, but was opposed by Metaxas. Isaakios Komnenos, having decided that the only way to to pay for his brother Alexios 1's military campaigns was to appropriate church treasures, proposed the plan in a speech before a synod in Hagia Sophia, stressing that only objects no longer in use would be sold. Ioannes Metaxas was the only major dissenter, producing counter-arguments and ridiculing Isaakios himself. But this stance was later to cause a major scandal with Leon of Chalcedon
Certainty: 3 Leon of Chalcedon attacked Isaakios & Eustratios Garidas for appropriating church property. When Alexios I was fighting Guiscard for the first time, his brother Isaakios gave him money for the campaign deriving from the seizure of ecclesiastical property. Among other appropriations, the silver and gold on the doors of the church of the Theotokos of Chalkoprateia was removed. Leon of Chalcedon publicly condemned this with great arrogance, disregarding the military emergency. Leon attacked Alexios and Isaakios brazenly, exploiting their tolerance, even when they were clearly acting in accordance with justice, the laws and public opinion, provoking the anger of Isaakios. In a letter to Alexios I, Leon put much of the blame on Eustratios Garidas, saying that he must be removed and Kosmas I restored. Eustratios he claimed, could not deny his guilt, or the doors of Chalkoprateia would crush him. If matters were not set right, the result would be the destruction of the church, the empire and Alexios himself
Certainty: 3 Failures & successes in Alexios' gathering of support for campaigns of the year 1082. Once it was established that Alexios I had survived the disaster of 1081, recruits appeared in considerable numbers; but they needed training in all the military skills. He sent an embassy led by Methymnes (perhaps metropolitan of Methymna?) to the king of Germany Henry IV, urging him to invade Longibardia as agreed in a previous treaty, in return for which a marriage alliance would be arranged. Alexios attempted several times to recall the Manichaean soldiers led by Xantas and Kouleon, but they had gone home and, despite positive responses, would not return
Certainty: 3 Bohemond with increased forces refortified Ioannina as headquarters, & Alexios approached him there. Alexios I heard that Bohemond had gone via Bagenetia to occupy Ioannina as his headquarters, and was laying waste nearby towns and countryside. He left Constantinople hastily in the month of May. Bohemond's troops were increased in number by many Byzantine leaders who had changed sides. He strengthened the defences with trenches outside the town and a second citadel inside. Alexios, realising that his forces were only a fraction of Bohemond's, and remembering that the first Norman cavalry-charge had appeared irresistible, decided to skirmish with a few picked troops to discover how effective a general Bohemond was
Certainty: 3 Alexios tried to break up Norman cavalry charge with small carts, but failed, & again fled to Ohrid. He tried another strategem by using small carts which could be pushed into place by infantrymen so as to break up the Norman cavalry charge. He took up his position at dawn in the middle of the line. But Bohemond seemed aware of the strategem, and divided his forces into two parts, each sweeping down on a Byzantine flank, avoiding the carts. Hand-to-hand fighting ensued and casualties on both sides were heavy. Bohemond won the battle, but Alexios resisted like an unshakable tower. Despite his personal resistance he saw his forces breaking up, and had to save himself to fight another day. He left the battlefield, heroically defeated a group of the enemy and escaped to Strougai, then Ohrid
Certainty: 3 Alexios failed again in attacking Bohemond using caltrops, but successfully escaped. After a brief rest at Ohrid, Alexios I left the survivors of his army there with Gregorios Pakourianos and withdrew to the Vardar to assemble new mercenaries. He then returned to the attack, using iron caltrops to try to defeat the Norman cavalry. He scattered caltrops on the battlefield at the point where he expected the charge. The Byzantine cavalry were to fight so as to avoid the caltrops, leaving the confused Normans to be cut down by archers. But Bohemond got wind of the plan. He fought defensively at the point where the caltrops were, but made cavalry charges on the flanks. The Byzantine forces, by now demoralised, fled, only the emperor making stiff resistance till he decided the battle was lost and it was too dangerous to continue. Though pursued by Bohemond and his chief counts, he secured his retreat by a brief counter-attack with Goules, which laid low the first pursuer and discouraged the whole pursuit. He left Pakourianos in charge, and returned to the capital to bring more troops
Certainty: 3 Bohemond tried to expand his conquests, with mixed success; several counts planned to defect to Alexios. When Robert Guiscard left for Italy to defend his realm against Henry IV, he advised Bohemond to extend the area he controlled in the Balkans. Bohemond took this advice. He sent out Petros Aliphas (Pierre d'Aulps) and Pounteses (Raoul de Pontoise?) and campaigned himself, with mixed results. Pierre occupied the two Pologoi; Raoul captured Skopia. Bohemond himself, having been invited to intervene by the inhabitants of Ohrid, hastened there but failed to take the citadel, which was guarded by Ariebes. From failure at Ohrid he continued to Ostrobos where he was also repulsed empty-handed; then from Ostrobos he turned towards Berroia, going through Soskos and Servia. Continuing from Berroia he reached Moglena by way of Bodena; at Moglena he rebuilt a small fortification, leaving an adequate garrison commanded by Sarakenos. From Moglena he moved on to Asprai Ekklesiai on the Vardar river, where he spent three months. There he discovered that three counts were planning to desert to Alexios I: Of these, Pounteses escaped, Guillaume was blinded in trial by combat, Renaud was sent to Guiscard in Italy and blinded there
Certainty: 3 Manouvres of Bohemond & Pakourianios. Bohemond left Asprai Ekklesiai and took Kastoria, from where he continued on to Larissa, where he planned to spend the winter. But Pakourianos, hearing that Bohemond had left Asprai Ekklesiai, went to Moglena, killed Sarakenos and totally destroyed the rebuilt fort
Certainty: 1 Aegean islands granted by Alexios I to Christ Pantepoptes, then exchanged for other properties with sekreton of Myrelaion. Alexios I granted the islands of Leros, Leipsos and Pharmakos in their entirety to the monastery of Pantepoptes (in Constantinople). Then, at the suggestion of his mother Anna Dalassene, he made a kind of exchange with the sekreton of the Myralaion, giving it the islands in return for one of its properties for Pantepoptes
Certainty: 1 Flourishing of astrology: Symeon Seth's predictions included the death of Guiscard. [A series of astrological details from Anna Komnene, placed at the date of Symeon Seth's prophecy of Guiscard's death.] Symeon Seth predicted the sudden death of Robert Guiscard in a sealed paper which he gave to imperial confidants after Robert's invasion of the Balkans. He asked the recipients of the paper to open it after Robert's death, and it proved a good forecast. This gave him a high reputation for wisdom and skill in astrology. He gave accurate responses to many questions, based largely on his mathematical skills. When Alexios twice asked him questions, surprised by his popularity among the young, both times he answered correctly. Despite the accuracy of his replies, Alexios was afraid he might raise the popularity of astrology too high. Symeon was banished to comforatable exile in Raidestos. Eleutherios and Katananges were other astrologers: the latter was twice asked to predict the day of Alexios' death, and got it wrtong. On the first designated day the lion living in the palace died after a fever, and so it was thought that his prediction referred to that. On the second date it was Anna Dalassene, his mother, who died. Despite this inaccuracy, Katananges was not exiled. Anna Komnene herself once dabbled in astrology, so as to be able to make sense of its terminology in cases like that of Symeon Seth
Certainty: 3 Bohemond captured several towns, then began the siege of Larissa, defended by Leon Kephalas. While Alexios was away gathering troops, Bohemond took the opportunity to send a contingent of armoured knights who succeeded in taking Pelagonia, Trikala and Kastoria. He and his main army reached Trikala, whilst a detachment succeeded in taking Tzibiskos; from Trikala he went to besiege Larissa, which was successfully defended by Leon Kephalas for six whole months. Alexios was still gathering mercenaries, and so could not intervene immediately
Certainty: 3 Alexios I, his army based on Turks from Nicaea, tried to raise the siege of Larissa, following pleas from Kephalas. Having returned to Constantinople, Alexios asked Sulayman ibn Kutulmush to provide forces for the campaign of 1083. He was sent 7,000 men with experienced commanders, including Kamyres. He heard in a bold letter from Leon Kephalas that food, eatable and not, had run out at Larissa, with a grim description of the efforts Leon had made and the current situation. Alexios was told that if he did not help at once, he would condemn the town to capture. He thus left the capital to raise the siege and drive Bohemond away. As he approached Larissa he went over Mount Kellion, bypassing Mount Kissabos, through the Vlach village of Exebas near Andronias, making camp at Plabitza and visiting the gardens of Delphinas and Trikala. In planning his tactics he asked an elderly local man details about the lie of the land, intending to win by ambush rather than a pitched battle, in which he had so often failed. He dreamed of a prophecy of victory from an icon of Hagios Demetrios in his church in Thessalonike; Alexios promised, if it proved true, to make a pilgrimage to the church, slowly walking the last miles on foot
Certainty: 3 Alexios planned an ambush which allowed him to devastate Bohemond's camp & defeat half his army. At a council of war he put Nikephoros Melissenos and Basileios Kourtikios in charge of the main army, with all the imperial standards and accoutrements, then laid an ambush elsewhere. He ordered Nikephoros and Basileios to pretend to fight and lose a conventional battle, exposing the enemy to his ambush. As he gave the order, all the army's horses neighed at the same time - a good omen. At sunset Alexios went with picked men through the gorge of Libotanion, went round Rebenikon, passed Allage, arrived on the other side of Larissa and hid on lower ground. His movement was hidden by an attack by the main army. Bohemond was taken in by the play-acting of the Byzantine forces and divided his army, making Bryennios commander of the second division. The Normans made a successful charge and thought they had won a victory, riding in pursuit too far from their camp. Alexios attacked it from ambush, causing many casualties and winning rich booty. Seeing Bohemond and Bryennios pursuing heedlessly, he sent Georgios Pyrros and other brave archers after them, with orders to shoot their horses. The archers attacked the cavalry of Bryennios, killing his horses; as they fell, the remaining horsemen raised great clouds of dust, which added to the confusion and ended in their defeat. Bohemond was on an island in the river Salabrias eating grapes and making puns in Greek when messengers from Bryennios came to tell him that half his army had been defeated by Alexios's ruse and his camp destroyed. Zonaras and Glykas give a similar story, but make Adrianos, Alexios' brother, the fake emperor
Certainty: 3 Bohemond gained secondary successes, largely through Byzantine disorganisation. After defeating Bryennios, Alexios failed to stop his infantrymen attacking some Norman cavalry on a hilltop, and they suffered the loss of 500 men. He sent Migidenos with Turkish troops, but they were driven back by Bohemond. The day after their defeat Bohemond and Bryennios went along the river Salabrias to a marshy area which led to a ravine called the Palace of Domenikos, in which they camped. When Michael Doukas, the emperor's brother-in-law, found Bohemond and Bryennios camped in the ravine, he was told by Alexios to allow only archers to fire arrows within the ravine. In fact the rest of the army, itching for battle, gradually entered, followed by Michael himself. Bohemond saw with delight more and more of Michael's troops entering the ravine, including their commander. He then charged them in a furious assault and they fled. Ouzas, the mercenary leader, as he fled with Michael Doukas, pursued by Bohemond, turned and killed his nearest pursuer. Afterwards he speared Bohemond's standard-bearer, waved the standard, then pointed it downwards, puzzling the Normans, who turned off to Trikala. Bohemond pursued the army down to the river Salabrias
Certainty: 2 Episcopal see of Lakedaimon elevated to metropolitan status. Alexios I elevated the bishop of Lakedaimon to metropolitan status during the patriarchate of Eustratios Garidas
Certainty: 3 Alexios used varied tactics to test the loyalty of Bohemond's counts. From Thessalonike Alexios sent messengers to the counts in the army of Bohemond, with many promises. His purpose was to have them demand from their commander their promised pay for the last four years. If Bohemond did not have it, he should cross to Robert Guiscard and demand it. If (Alexios conrtinued) the counts succeeded in making Bohemond return to Italy for money to pay them, he promised them a choice: either they could take service at good pay in the Byzantine army, or they could return home by the safe route via Hungary. When Bohemond's counts (inspired by Alexios) made the demand for four years of back pay, he was at a loss what to do, as he did not have the money, and played for time. When the counts insisted, he withdrew to Avlon
Certainty: 3 Alexios went to Thessalonike, then to the capital triumphantly; Bohemond left garrisons & withdrew to Avlon. Alexios withdrew from Larissa to Thessalonike, from where he tried with some success to test the loyalty of Bohemond's counts. He then returned triumphantly to Constantinople. Meanwhile Bohemond left Bryennios in charge of Larissa and Petros Aliphas at the Pologoi; he himself, facing financial demands from other counts which he could not satisfy, withdrew to Avlon
Certainty: 3 Alexios I at Blachernai defended his limited appropriation of church property in an emergency, & made compensation. Hearing of the muttered opposition against him over his use of church goods, he was wounded in spirit; he convened a meeting of major officials of church and state at Blachernai, where he presided but also made a speech of self-justification. His defence to the council showed from inventories of shrines that he had taken nothing but ornaments from the empress Zoe's tomb and objects no longer used in the liturgy. As restitution for goods taken, he ordered a payment to the Antiphonetes in connection with Zoe's tomb and a grant from the treasury for the Chalkoprateia [should this not be dated after events at Mosynopolis, said to have happened in November?]
Certainty: 2 Niketas of Ankyra spoke before church leaders in favour of regular synods in the capital. Niketas, metropolitan of Ankyra, was earlier ordered by the patriarch Eustratios Garidas to remind his fellow bishops of their duty to hold regular synods; and some synods had started again. But later he was reproached by Alexios I, before a gathering of bishops in the imperial palace, for failing in his task of re-establishing synods in Constantinople on a regular basis. He accused his fellow bishops of submitting to Alexios' will in the matter, but then backtracking and going against what they had sworn before emperor, senate and patriarch. He also spoke in defence of the bishops against patriarchal encroachment: he insisted that, save for Constantinople’s right to ordain metropolitans, all authority within a diocese remained with the bishop. He explained that the see of Constantinople was known as 'ecumenical' only because appeal could be made there in case of dispute; and that 'patriarch' was a title which was widely applicable. He mentioned that he had been ordained (?) by Alexios X Stoudites
Certainty: 3 Alexios I gathered an army & attacked Bryennios at Kastoria, building a base from which to use siege engines. He decided to attack Bryennios in Kastoria, and gathered his army with a full range of siege weapons; he made a kind of wooden fort, so as to have a secure basis from which to launch his missiles. Using his siege-engines day and night, he shook and breached the circuit of the walls; but the morale of the defenders was high, and the shattering of the walls did not lead to surrender
Certainty: 3 Kastoria was attacked on land & by Palaiologos in boats; Bryennios' counts rebelled & went home with safe-conduct. When siege machines proved ineffective, Alexios decided (cleverly) on combined operations, attacking by ships on the lake as well as by land; the ships were small boats carried on wagons from Moliskos, under the command of Georgios Palaiologos; a second front would increase pressure on the defence. By observing the movements of the garrison, he discovered a quick way for Palaiologos to land from the boats and capture an important summit. This movement was concerted with a major assault from the landward side. Even this combined attack did not make Bryennios surrender; indeed he encouraged the counts to resist harder. But they responded badly, suggesting a choice between desertion to Alexios or repatriation. They arranged for those who wished to desert to the Byzantines to gather at the church of Hagios Georgios, while those wanting to go home should meet on the road to Avlon. Those who made the response promptly deserted. Bryennios, who would never desert, did swear not to fight against Alexios again
Certainty: 3 Basil son of Abukab died; Smbat was doux of Edessa for six months, then deposed by Philaretos.
Certainty: 3 Alexios tricked the Manichaeans to come to Mosynopolis in groups, arrested them & distributed property to his comrades. Alexios decided to crown his victories in the west by dealing with the Manichaeans, wishing to punish their leaders, but incorporate the others into his army. He did not want to fight them directly because of their courage and violence to their enemies, as they loved danger and were impetuous in war and battle. He summoned them by letter, with large promises. When he reached Mosynopolis he pretended to want to enrol them and so had them presented in groups of ten, who were then arrested by specially posted officials and taken to gaol. Even women were treated in this way. He gave the private possessions of the arrested Manichaeans to brave soldiers who had shared the dangers of the battlefield with him: some claimed this as his motive for the operation. He treated the arrested Manichaeans with clemency, allowing those who accepted baptism to go free and return to their homeland, but exiling the leaders to islands, where they remained in captivity [should this not be dated before the council at Blachernai, said to have happened in August?]
Certainty: 1 Periorismos for Lavra property at Archontochorion (near Thessalonike?). Alexios I ordered Konstantinos, vestarches and logariastes, to prepare a document containing the periorismos of the property of Lavra at Archontochorion. Konstantinos then signed it, attaching his lead seal
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I granting Mesolimna (near Thessalonike) to Leon Kephalas. The proasteion of Mesolimna near Thessalonike was granted by chrysobull to Leon Kephalas by Alexios I. The emperor ordered the logariastes Konstantinos to proceed with the transfer, and Konstantinos established a praktikon before sending his subordinate Bardas to execute the order. Kephalas was handed a copy of the praktikon
Certainty: 3 Alexios I returned victorious from Kastoria; Pakourianos & the patriach of Jerusalem made the peace. Alexios returned to the capital after operations around Kastoria as a glorious victor. He brought with him the counts who had deserted to the Byzantine side, and Bryennios, who was on his way home with a safe-conduct. Around the same time, Pakourianos and Euthymios I, patriarch of Jerusalem, were sent by the emperor to Thessalonike to discuss peace with the Franks. After that the two went together to Pakourianos' estates near Philippopolis
Certainty: 3 Birth of Anna Komnene. Alexios I arrived home after the Kastoria campaign to find Eirene Doukaina in labour in the porphyra, having told the unborn baby to wait for him. He arrived two days after this instruction was issued, and Anna Komnene the historian was born on a Saturday at dawn. She was named after her grandmother Anna Dalassena, while her maternal grandmother, Maria of Bulgaria, had protested against the instruction given to the unborn child: what if Alexios did not return for a month? This delay in her birth was the first of many acts of filial piety shown by Anna. After her birth, the normal ceremonies took place: acclamations, gifts and honours presented to civil and military leaders, and popular outpourings of joy: the empress' Doukai relatives were specially pleased
Certainty: 3 Bohemond & Guiscard at Salerno discussed collapse of invasion; Guiscard began trying to revive it. Bohemond heard how the counts he had left to guard his newly conquered territories were behaving: they were either defecting to Alexios I, or dispersing to their homes. He therefore left Avlon and returned to his father Robert Guiscard at Salerno. He bore in the expression of his face the news of the defeat he had suffered. Robert read failure in his son's face, and his high hopes of conquest across the Adriatic were dashed. He was struck dumb and plunged into despair. But his despair did not last long; he began a massive general mobilisation, including the hiring of foreigners, providing Bohemond with the military force to avenge the Norman defeat
Certainty: 3 Typikon of Theotokos Petritziotissa (Backovo) by Gregorios Pakourianos. Gregorios Pakourianos established the typikon of his monastery of the Theotokos Petritziotissa in three copies (Greek, Armenian and Georgian), and deposited a copy at Panagiou in Constantinople. It contained a large number of stipulations about the way of life of the monks who were to live there, and financial and administrative matters for the future
Certainty: 3 Plot against Alexios I by leading senators & generals; ringleaders merely deprived of their property & exiled. On his return to the capital, a plot against Alexios I was revealed, in which the participants were members of the senate and military commanders. There were witnesses who came forward and convicted the guilty. Despite the convincing evidence and the heavy penalties set down, Alexios did not wish to apply the rigour of the law: the ringleaders were condemned only to the conifscation of their property and exile
Certainty: 2 Pechenegs made agreements with Tatous, Sesthlabos & Satzas, chiefs around Dristra & Bitzina. Tatous (Chales), Sesthlabos and Satzas were chiefs from south of the Danube with whom agreements were made by Pechenegs from the north. The latter, pressed by the Uzes behind them, were to cross and ravage Byzantine land at will, and even capture a few fortresses
Certainty: 3 Traulos, a servant of Alexios I, heard his Manichaean family was imprisoned, & began raids from Beliatoba. When Alexios moved against the Manichaeans, Traulos learned that his four sisters had been arrested and lost their possessions like the rest. He was angry and left his job serving Alexios. His wife learned of his plans and revealed all to the official in charge of Manichaean affairs. This spurred on Traulos to rebel. He gathered those who knew of his resentment and his family members, seized a deserted mountain fort called Beliatoba and began regular raids as far as Philippoupolis, gaining much booty. He made a treaty with the Scyths (probably Pechenegs) of Paristrion, winning over the leaders of the areas round Dristra and Glabenitza. He married the daughter of a Pecheneg chieftain
Certainty: 2 Traulos refused all compromises, even a chrysobull guaranteeing amnesty, & continued raids till 1085. Alexios received regular reports of Traulos' activities, and foresaw the problems which would result from his actions. He attempted to win him over with letters and promises, but in vain. He even drew up a chrysobull granting Traulos unrestricted liberty and freedom from punishment, and sent it to him as a means of convincing him; but the leopard did not change its spots, and continued raiding. Alexios did not regard his problems with the Manichaeans as of great importance, and eventually brought them under his control with treaties
Certainty: 1 Under Turkish pressure Philaretos Brachamios planned to become a Muslim; his son fled to Sulayman of Nicaea. Philaretos Brachamios at Antioch was surrounded by areas constantly being devastated by the Turks, with no remission. He decided therefore to go over to the Turkish side, be circumcised, and become a Muslim. His son vigorously opposed his decision, but without success. Thus the young man rode for eight days from Antioch to Nicaea, where he arrived in a state of distress, and urged Sulayman, now sultan, to attack Philaretos in Antioch
Certainty: 1 Philaretos went to Malik-Shah & apostasized.
Certainty: 1 Alexios I wrote to the German king proposing payments, agreements & a marriage alliance. Knowing the German king Henry IV to be more powerful than Robert Guiscard's other allies, he sent a stream of letters asking him to renounce his alliance with Robert. When he found Henry amenable to his suggestions, he sent Konstantinos Choirosphaktes to him with a further letter, emphasising their common Christian front against the evil Guiscard [text supplied]. In his letter he announced that the first part of a subvention of cash and fabrics was being sent to Henry with Choirosphaktes, in accordance with an agreement made with Henry's envoy count Burchard. He continued that the second part of the subvention would be sent to Henry with count Abelard, once Henry had reached Longibardia. He made arrangements for the oaths that Henry had to swear, based on the arrangements made with his envoy Albert. He finally confessed that the return of Burchard to Henry had been delayed because Alexios wanted him to meet his heir (Ioannes, son of his brother Isaakios), with a view to a possible marriage alliance with the Germans
Certainty: 1 Betrothal of Adrianos, brother of Alexios I, to Zoe, daughter of Konstantinos X. At this date Zoe Doukaina, daughter of Konstantinos X, was already betrothed to Adrianos, brother of Alexios I
Certainty: 2 Betrothal & coronation of Konstantinos Doukas & Anna Komnene. Shortly after the birth of Anna Komnene, who was like her father Alexios in everything, Alexios and Eirene crowned her, betrothed her to Konstantinos, son of Michael VII, and associated her with him in acclamations. The cry was "Konstantinos and Anna"
Certainty: 3 Alexios I decreed that the Great Church should be awarded all property given in epidosis to monasteries it did not control.
Certainty: 2 Synodal meetings which pronounced Eustratios Garidas innocent of charges made by Leon of Chalcedon.
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming ownership of Mesolimna (near Thessalonike) to Leon Kephalas. Alexios I issued a chrysobull confirming to Leon Kephalas ownership of the proasteion of Mesolimna (near Thessalonike) according to the stipulations of the relevant praktikon
Certainty: 2 Abul-Kasim remained in control of Nicaea when Sulayman left for Antioch, & advanced up to the Sea of Marmara. After Sulayman ibn Kutulmush left Nicaea to attack Antioch, he left behind Abul-Kasim as governor of Nicaea. When Alexios returned victorious over Bohemond, he found that Abul-Kasim had not only overrun all the east of the empire, but had made incursions as far as the Sea of Marmara
Certainty: 3 Guiscard sent his sons Guy (whom Alexios had tried to buy) & Roger with his cavalry; they captured Aulona & Butrinto. He summoned his sons Guy and Roger, gave them all the cavalry, and sent them to cross the Adriatic and capture Avlon and Butrinto. They captured Avlon and garrisoned it, then went on to Butrinto, which they also stormed. (Guy had received an offer from Alexios of a Byzantine imperial marriage, a high dignity and plenty of money, in an attempt to separate him from Robert, his father; he listened, but made no reply)
Certainty: 3 Guiscard crossed to join his sons at Butrinto, then took the fleet to put down a rebellion on Kerkyra. Guiscard took the fleet, aiming at Butrinto. He reached Brindisi, planning to cross from there, but hearing that the way from Otranto was shorter, crossed there to Avlon, and then went along the coast with army and fleet to Butrinto. There he joined his sons Guy and Roger, but left them at Butrinto, while he took the whole fleet to Kerkyra, which had rebelled after its previous capture
Certainty: 3 Eustratios Garidas resigned as patriarch, to be replaced by Nikolaos Grammatikos. Eustratios Garidas resigned from the patriarchal throne, and was replaced by Nikolaos Grammatikos. Some sources prefer to give the initiative to Alexios I and Isaakios Komnenos, saying that for some reason still unclear, they removed Eustratios and replaced him with Nikolaos
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming privileges of Lavra properties at Kassandra. Following an investigation into ownership titles on Kassandra by Michael Rodios to determine the status of properties after the peninsula's revenues were granted to the emperor's brother Adrianos Komnenos, Alexios I issued a chrysobull confirming the possessions of Lavra whose taxes should be paid to Adrianos
Certainty: 2 Godfrey of Bouillon experienced the plague after the sack of Rome. Godfrey of Bouillon had been with Henry IV in Rome at the outbreak of plague in 1084, when 500 men had died in August. He left Rome at the same time as Henry. These memories returned in Antioch in 1098
Certainty: 3 Niketas of Ankyra spoke on ordinations before the synod. Alexios I produced a semeioma on the subject of ordinations, citing the twelfth canon of Chalcedon; this semeioma was criticised by Niketas of Ankarain his speech 'On Ordinations' before the synod. Alexios was present, together with another basileus - perhaps Alexios' brother Isaakios? Niketas found fault with the imperial semeioma because of its interpretation of the twelfth canon of Chalcedon. He proceeded to give his own interpretation of the canon; Niketas requested that Alexios I give written orders for the synod to review the canons and ensure that those which had fallen out of practice be reinstated; and that prominent men should represent the emperor at the synod in order to validate the decisions taken. Niketas had himself been censured by Alexios I, admitted his fault and censured himself for it; however he cleared Nikolaos III of all blame regarding uncanonical ordinations. He remembered being driven out of his see by the invasion of the Turks (c. 1073)
Certainty: 2 Sulayman went to extraordinary lengths to achieve surprise at Antioch. Sulayman was persuaded by Philaretos' son to attack his father's city of Antioch. As they set out from Nicaea in secret for Antioch, he left Abul-Kasim as governor of Nicaea with authority over all other commanders. He left Nicaea with Philaretos' son but only 280 soldiers, rode swiftly by night, and slaughtered the entire population of a village called al-'Amraniyya, so that they could not reveal his presence as he approached Antioch. Sulayman reached Antioch in twelve nights (resting by day), without being seen
Certainty: 3 Alexios brought in the Venetians, who were more victorious than not in the fierce naval campaign which followed. [Discussed out of chronological order by Anna Komnene. Perhaps a mistaken doublet?] Alexios, learning of Robert Guiscard's renewed activities, called on Venice to arm a large fleet and promised to pay their expenses many times over. He also armed as many local vessels of all types as he could, manning them with those who had experience in naval warfare. When Guiscard heard of the arrival of the Venetians and their Byzantine allies, in a typically aggressive move he gathered his whole fleet in the harbour of Kassope. The Venetians put into Pasara, waited a little, then attacked at Kassope. Guiscard was defeated at Kassope, but with typical determination he prepared for a second battle two days later. The Venetians attacked then and won a more emphatic victory, returning to Pasara. Pietro Contarino, a Venetian deserter, encouraged Guiscard to try a third battle by reports of Venetian overconfidence. Guiscard's attack surprised them, and he won a splendid victory at Kerkyra, sinking many ships and capturing the rest. After his great victory he mutilated prisoners brutally and bargained mercilessly for ransoms. This made the Venetians fit out a bigger expedition soon after (surely months later, at least), which won a great victory near his camp at Butrinto. In this battle, Guiscard's son Guy and Guy's wife were almost captured. The Venetians were rewarded by a quarter in Constantinople (probably not for this victory)
Certainty: 3 The Venetians won extensive privileges from Alexios [maybe dated to 1092? or, less likely, 1082?]. [First discussed out of chronological order by Anna Komnene.] When detailed news of the Venetian victory at Butrinto was reported to Alexios, he gave the Venetians gifts and honours, ordering an annual donation to be made from the treasury to the churches of Venice; that all Amalfitan shopkeepers in Constantinople were to pay duties to the church of Saint Mark in Venice; that the doge of Venice (Domenico Silvio) be made protosebastos and the patriarch of Venice hypertimos, each with the associated annuity; that all shops and anchorages between the old Jewish quay and the Vigla were to be ceded to the church of Saint Mark in Venice; and that buildings in Constantinople, Dyrrachion and anywhere else the Venetians requested should be ceded to them; and that they be exempted from the kommerkion and other taxes
Certainty: 3 Donation of icons & books to Christ Panoiktirmon (Constantinople). Ioannes, the secretary of Michael Attaleiates, donated to the latter's monastery of Christ Panoiktirmon liturgical vessels, icons and books, including one containing Attaleiates' history
Certainty: 3 Sulayman ibn Kutulmush captured Antioch from Philaretos. While Philaretos was away in Edessa, Sulayman b. Kutulmush quietly left Nicaea and made his way southwards with extraordinary speed and secrecy, so that he was able to surprise and capture Antioch. He had his soldiers climb Antioch's walls by way of ropes fixed to the battlements, thanks to the secret help of some of its inhabitants. Once he had taken Antioch, 110 muezzins called the Muslims to perform the Friday prayer in the Church of Qusyan (Hagios Petros). Ibn Manjak joined Sulayman in Antioch after the conquest with 300 knights; then his whole army joined him, one troop after the other. Sulayman would later, after a siege, take the citadel of Antioch by capitulation, in order to avoid causing a massacre and being involved with prisoners
Certainty: 1 Grant of Kassandra properties by Alexios I to his brother Adrianos Komnenos. The revenues of the properties of the fisc on the peninsula of Kassandra, together with the taxes on all the inhabitants, were granted by Alexios I to his brother Adrianos Komnenos
Certainty: 1 Elchanes occupied Apollonias & Kyzikos; Alexios sent a fleet under Alexandros Euphorbenos. The Turkish commander Elchanes occupied Apollonias and Kyzikos, ravaging all the surrounding coastal area; Alexios sent against him an improvised fleet of fishing boats carrying siege machines, under the command of the noble and brave Alexandros Euphorbenos
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming Kos properties to Christodoulos & granting privileges to his monastery of Theotokos. Christodoulos (later of Patmos) was issued a chrysobull by Alexios I granting to his monastery of the Theotokos on Kos full independence and confirming its properties
Certainty: 3 Donation of books to Christ Panoiktirmon (Constantinople). Michael, oikonomos and hegoumenos of Christ Panoiktirmon, together with the grammatikos and the spiritual father of the founder, Michael Attaleiates, donated to the monastery a number of books, some cloths and a silver reliquary containing a piece of the True Cross
Certainty: 3 After blockading the straits for the winter, the Venetians, with Maurix & the Byzantine fleet, defeated Guiscard's ships. [First discussed out of chronological order by Anna Komnene.] Guiscard was determined to fight on despite reverses. But his army was cut off all winter by the Venetian and Byzantine fleets from reinforcements and supplies from Italy. Then his navy was defeated in a sea-battle
Certainty: 3 Disputes between Iveron & see of Ezoba resolved by act of bishop Theodoulos. The kaisar Nikephoros Melissenos received complaints from the clergy of Ezoba against Iveron over the ownership of properties which, they claimed, had always belonged to the bishopric. But he was told by the monks of Iveron in the presence of Theodoulos bishop of Ezoba and his protopapas Leon Tzainos that the disputed properties, part of the proasteion of Hagios Stephanos, had belonged to Iveron for a long time. Theodoulos and Leon then decided on arbitration by Stephanos Chrysodaktylos, magistros and vestarches and Ioannes Melidones, krites of the hippodrome. The arbitrators visited the properties with Theodoulos, Leon and eleven witnesses, carrying the past periorismos of Andronikos the krites, and all urged the clergy of Ezoba to compromise. Theodoulos then came to an agreement with the monks of Iveron, conceding ownership of the vineyard and mill and agreeing to the delimitation of the properties proposed by the two arbitrators. The agreement between the parties was witnessed by the arbitrators and the eleven witnesses. Theodoulos with Leon the protopapas prepared and issued an act (written by Ioannes, nomikos of Chrysopolis) in favour of the hegoumenos and eight named monks of Iveron. Five representatives of the diocese signed the act. As part of the agreement the bishopric of Ezoba received ownership of the monastery of Theotokos tou Spelaiou and nearby properties
Certainty: 2 Euphorbenos besieged Apollonias, capturing all but the citadel; hearing of a relieving force, he retreated but was ambushed. Alexandros Euphorbenos besieged Apollonias constantly for six days, and won control of the outer circuit of walls; but Elchanes continued fighting from the citadel, hoping for relief from outside, which did, in fact, arrive. Turkish numerical superiority made Euphorbenos retreat down the river. Elchanes set an ambush for him at the bridge of Hagia Helene, and in fierce fighting destroyed many of his forces
Certainty: 2 Alexios sent a land force against Elchanes under Konstantinos Opos, who pressed him hard. After Alexios learned of the failure of Alexandros Euphorbenos, he sent a larger force by land against Elchanes, under Konstantinos Opos, who had better success. He stormed Kyzikos, sent a picked force which captured Poimanenon and made many prisoners, then went on to attack Apollonias. Elchanes was besieged there without enough troops to mount a proper defence
Certainty: 2 Elchanes deserted, was rewarded & baptised; Alexios' generosity encouraged others to follow. Elchanes found himself in a desperate situation: he surrendered Apollonias and transferred allegiance to Alexios, with all his relations. As a result, he received many gifts, including the greatest of all, Christian baptism. Alexios was generous with gifts to encourage Turks to convert to Christianity: besides Elchanes, see the cases of Skaliarios and the Turk who was later made hyperperilampros but whose name seems to have been left blank
Certainty: 3 Amidst growing resistance, Guiscard was kept in the port of Iericho by bad weather for two months. [First discussed out of chronological order by Anna Komnene.] Guiscard tried to draw up his fleet out of the water and campaign in different ways, since the islanders and citizens of coastal towns began to refuse his demands after he lost a battle. But he was forced by fear of shipwreck in contrary winds to wait two months in the port of Hiericho
Certainty: 3 Guiscard beached his ships at the Glykys river, & would later need engineering work to refloat them. [First discussed out of chronological order by Anna Komnene.] With the lower water levels of drought, Guiscard's ships at the mouth of the Glykys were left high and dry, and could not be hauled to the sea. He solved this problem by directing the remaining water into a narrow channel by dykes made of piles and intertwined osiers, reinforced by trees and covered in sand. The water in the channel gradually rose, and allowed the ships to be refloated
Certainty: 3 Sharaf ad-Dawlah captured Aleppo & attacked Antioch; he was killed fighting Sulayman of Antioch.
Certainty: 3 Polchtachi seized Jahan from Philaretos.
Certainty: 2 Philaretos summoned a series of katholikoi to Mar'ash; only Paul came.
Certainty: 3 The Normans at the Glykys river began to starve, while horses & men suffered epidemics; losses were very heavy . [First discussed out of chronological order by Anna Komnene.] The army of Robert Guiscard was camped by the river Glykys, but was blockaded by enemy ships on the sea and harried by troops from Dyrrachion on land, so that they and their horses began to starve, further distressed by the weather and consequent disease. Losses were extremely heavy, at all levels of the army
Certainty: 3 Alexios I sent Pakourianos & Branas against Manichaeans & Pechenegs; they were defeated & both killed. Traulos the Manichaean, with his co-religionists at Beliatoba, saw an opportunity to use the hordes of Pechenegs who now regularly crossed the Danube to realise an old plan: they worked together to ravage Byzantine territory. When Alexios learned of the attacks launched against the empire by this coalition, he sent Gregorios Pakourianos and Nikolaos Branas to oppose them. Pakourianos discovered that the enemy had gathered near Beliatoba, in such huge numbers that (in his view) they could not sensibly be attacked. This conservative approach was undermined by Branas, who demanded an immediate assault. By an imputation of cowardice, Branas got his way and made Pakourianos give the order for battle. In the battle Pakourianos led the middle of the line. But the army was terrified, seeing it was only a fraction of the size of the enemy. Losses were very heavy, including Branas, who suffered a fatal wound. But Pakourianos fought on furiously, making powerful charges, until he rode with great violence into an oak tree and died at once. The army scattered in all directions. Alexios I mourned all the fallen, especially Pakourianos
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I granting protection, exemptions & properties to Theotokos Eleousa. Following a request from the monk Gregorios Eueristenos of the Theotokos Eleousa at Stroumitza, Alexios I issued a chrysobull granting to the monastery a property at Kristobitza, tax exemptions, protection and independence from all officials
Certainty: 3 Robert Guiscard sent his son Roger to Kephalonia, sailed to join him, but fell ill of a fever & died. After losing the battle near Butrinto, Guiscard sent his son Roger with some of his ships to Kephalonia, to capture the city on the island. Guiscard anchored the rest of his fleet near Bonditza, together with his whole army. He later sailed to join Roger, but before he reached him, he was attacked by a terrible fever near a promontory called Ather; the names Ather and Jerusalem (on Ithake) were combined in a prophecy of his death, which followed six days later. His wife Gaita arrived just before he died, his son Guy was there to mourn him as he died, his other son Roger was informed and arrived soon after as his heir, confirmed by his father before he died. Roger at first was grieving uncontrollably
Certainty: 3 Guiscard was succeeded by Roger, who imposed oaths of allegiance & returned to Apulia to bury his father. Roger, his son, succeeded Robert Guiscard. Mastering his grief, he called a meeting, announced what had happened, compelled all to swear allegiance to him, and went back to Apulia to bury Robert and establish his rule. He met a great storm in crossing to Italy (though it was summer); some ships were sunk or ran aground on sandbanks, and that carrying Guiscard's body was saved with difficulty. He was buried in the family tomb at Venosa, having died aged 70, after being duke for 25 years
Certainty: 3 Alexios after death of Guiscard persuaded the people of Dyrrachion to return the city to him. Hearing with relief of the death of Robert Guiscard, Alexios turned his attention to Dyrrachion, which was still under Norman control, sending letters to sow dissension amongst those holding the city. He asked Venetians in Constantinople to send letters to the Venetians and Amalfitans in Dyrrachion, encouraging them to accede to his demands. He persuaded those in Dyrrachion, by offering gifts, presents and an amnesty, to surrender the city to him. Those who had organised its betrayal to the Normans were killed. Soon after, Ioannes Doukas, brother of Eirene Doukaina, was appointed doux. [In fact, he may have held the titular position earlier, since Anna Komnene said that he ruled Dyrrachion for eleven years - till 1092.] Ioannes' duties, besides guarding Dyrrachion, included countering the expansionist policies of Konstantinos Bodin
Certainty: 3 Alexios raised an army against the Pechenegs by giving Tatikios money & telling Oumbertos to bring Latins. Alexios mourned deeply for his old friend Gregorios Pakourianos and wept many tears. But he soon started to raise a new army by giving money to Tatikios to pay recruits and sending him to Adrianople. To complete his new army, he asked Konstantinos Humbertopoulos to leave a satisfactory garrison in Kyzikos and to join Tatikios with his Latin troops. When Tatikios, after raising his own army, saw the arrival of Humbertopoulos and his Latins, he took heart, and immediately moved against the Pechenegs
Certainty: 3 Tatikios defeated some Pechenegs, campaigned indecisively against others, then disbanded most of his forces. Tatikios pitched camp near Philipppolis on the bank of the river on which Selinos stands, and had hardly finished stowing his baggage when he saw some Pechenegs approaching, returning from a raid with booty and prisoners. He sent a strong force after the Pechenegs, then himself followed with the main army ready for battle. When the enemy band joined their main body near Red Bank, he divided his army in two and made a noisy assault. Attacking with battle-songs and loud shouts, he and his forces defeated the Pechenegs, killing the majority but scattering many others, gaining all available booty; he returned in triumph to Philippopolis. He wondered how to attack again against an enemy with inexhaustible reserves of men; he sent out scouts, who reported a mass of Pechenegs near Beliatoba; he was at a loss what to do - but prepared for battle. The armies came together, each drawn up in its own way, Tatikios in the centre; the Pechenegs feared regular army equipment, the Byzantines feared Pecheneg numbers; neither took the initiative. The resulting stalemate was repeated twice more on following days, as nobody dared attack; on the third day the Pechenegs withdrew over the Sidera pass, too fast for Tatikios to pursue. He retreated to Adrianople and disbanded most of his troops from there, sending them home. He left the Kelts nearby but kept a detachment of troops to escort him to the capital
Certainty: 3 Birth of Maria, daughter of Alexios I. On Friday September 19, there was born Maria, second daughter of Alexios I and Eirene Doukaina. She resembled her parents and gave early evidence of her later virtue and intelligence; however they passionately wanted a male child
Certainty: 3 Dispute over Kellia property between Lavra & Iveron, decision in favour of Lavra. Gregoras Xerites, krites and notarios, summoned seven witnesses, who appeared before five representatives of Iveron and two of Lavra, all of whom claimed the property of Kellia for their respective monasteries, on the grounds that they had owned it for a long time. The witnesses were: Georgios, kouboukleisios of Hagia Sophia; Georgios tou Christodoulou; Ioannes the presbyter; Ioannes, priest and hieromnemon; another Ioannes; Leon, domestikos; and Manuel tou Boiou. All seven witnesses signed the praktikon which Xerites eventually produced, favouring Lavra for ownership of Kellia. Xerites signed too
Certainty: 3 Leon of Chalcedon attacked Alexios I over appropriation of church property for campaigns against the Pechenegs. Leon, metropolitan of Chalcedon, had unsuccessfully disputed the use of church furnishings to pay for the long war with Guiscard, with its many defeats. He tried again when money was being collected for defence against the Pechenegs. His attacks on Alexios, who was in the capital at the time, grew even more violent
Certainty: 3 Property dispute between Xeropotamou & Zygou. The hegoumenos of Xeropotamou Theodoretos complained of the monks of Zygou who had rendered a water-mill of his monastery unusable by cutting off its water supply. The supply had recently been repaired by Xeropotamou. The witnesses summoned, including the bishop of Hierissos Georgios, confirmed Xeropotamou's rights
Certainty: 3 The sultan sent Siaous to Alexios I, proposing a marriage alliance & Turkish withdrawal from the coast. The increasing power of Tutush alarmed Malik-Shah, who sent Siaous to Alexios to discuss an imperial marriage alliance, in return for which the sultan would make the Turks withdraw from the coast, especially fortified places
Certainty: 1 Nikephoros Diogenes, though made doux of Crete, was resentful, but Leon was happy with his lot. Alexios' favour to the Diogenes brothers Leon and Nikephoros produced different results: Nikephoros, though made doux of Crete and given complete charge of the island, being an irascible and moody man, continually made plots against Alexios in secret. Leon, a good-hearted man, was happy with the treatment given him by Alexios, and content with his lot
Certainty: 1 Soudaga (Macedonia) granted to Symbatios Pakourianos. The proasteion of Soudaga in the theme of Macedonia, together with a garment, was granted to the kouropalates Symbatios Pakourianos, probably by Alexios I. Symbatios in his will bequeathed eight geldings to Alexios
Certainty: 0 Cadaster of Thebes: list of probable current landowners at the time of the document. Nearly fifty landowners were apparently recorded as in current possession of their properties near Thebes around 1085
Certainty: 1 Leon Kephalas granted Ano (in Macedonia) by Alexios I. Alexios I issued a chrysobull detaching the proasteion of Ano from the episkepsis of Macedonia and granting it in perpetuity to Leon Kephalas
Certainty: 2 Sulayman settled in Qinnasrin, having rebuilt it: it had been devastated in 1030-1. Sulayman b. Kutulmush rebuilt Qinnasrin after the Greeks (i.e. Romanos III) devastated the town while marching against Aleppo in 1030; having rebuilt it, he installed himself there
Certainty: 3 Alexios I signed (but did not publish?) a pittakion requiring early registration of property given to monasteries.
Certainty: 3 Alexios marched against the Pechenegs to Lardea, assembled an army & sent Georgios Euphorbenos to Dristra. Alexios I was growing increasingly annoyed at Pecheneg incursions, especially when he heard that the enemy were remaining on Roman territory and might slip back over the mountain passes and make worse trouble than before. He prepared to push them back. He made preparations in the capital, then advanced to Adrianople and Lardeas. There he he put Georgios Euphorbenos in charge of a fleet and sent him to Dristra by sea and the Danube. He spent forty days gathering troops from everywhere and when he had sufficient numbers discussed the best way to defeat the Pechenegs. He tried his usual policy of sowing dissension among the enemy, but as usual with the Pechenegs, it was unsuccessful. Not one of them came over to his cause, even in secret
Certainty: 3 Leon of Chalcedon opposed Alexios I in an unorthodox & illogical way, & was deposed. Leon, metropolitan of Chalcedon, attacked Alexios I more shamefully, and in the discussions which followed asserted that holy images are worshipped by the faithful, not just treated with reverence, thus adding non-orthodox doctrines to more reasonable views. Support by disaffected officials made him behave more and more insolently towards Alexios, who encouraged him to change his views on icon-worship, promising also to replace the confiscated icons with more glorious images, with other reparations. Leon was intransigent while gaining a following through incorruptibility. He was deposed from his see and exiled to Sozopolis (in Pontos). Alexios made special provision for his comfort there
Certainty: 3 Details of synod which condemned Leon of Chalcedon. Alexios I called a meeting of patriarch, synod and members of the senate, at which Leon of Chalcedon was again asked either to return to communion or to provide proofs to support his accusations; Alexios presided over the gathering with the patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos. The meeting was attended by 25 other senior churchmen. Leon said he had no need to worship with the patriarch and synod as he could celebrate privately with his own clergy at the church of St Euphemia. But the synod ruled out this attempt to sidestep the need to concelebrate with Nikolaos, and insisted that he did so, in the traditional way. But Leon refused again either to celebrate with those who commemorated Eustratios Garidas, or to give proofs of his accusations. In his opposition to expropriations, he went so far as to claim that all alienation of church property, with very few exceptions, was sacrilege. But this was regarded as unacceptable innovation, which would lead to the accusation of pious Christians, so Leon was told to desist and conform or be punished. He was finally convicted of breaking canonical rules by making accusations direct to the emperor; he was guilty of rejecting the imperial decree declaring Eustratios innocent, which was now called sacrilege; and he was nearly convicted of false accusation, causing some presumption of guilt, though technically innocent. Alexios confirmed his earlier chrysobull preventing himself and his successors from expropriating church property under any pretext, but insisted that this did not undermine any existing regulations on the subject, but only affected him and his successors
Certainty: 3 Semeioma of Alexios I detailing the history of the case of Leon of Chalcedon.
Certainty: 3 Charatikes captured Sinope & the stores of cash kept there. The Turk Charatikes learned that a considerable sum of money from the imperial treasury was stored at Sinope. He therefore attacked the town unexpectedly and captured it
Certainty: 3 Tutush defeated Sulayman of Nicaea in a battle over Antioch; Sulayman committed suicide. Tutush, the brother of the sultan Malik-Shah, saw that Sulayman of Nicaea had taken over Antioch, which he claimed himself. He therefore drew up his forces half-way between Aleppo and Antioch. Sulayman went out to meet him, but as the fighting intensified, Sulayman's men turned and fled. He could not rally them, and so left the battlefield. He reached a place which he thought was safe, but other Turks approached him, saying that Tutush was asking for him. He refused the invitation, but became desperate and committed suicide, driving his sword through his entrails and out of the other side, perishing wretchedly. The vanquished army joined the victors, and this worried Malik-Shah, for Tutush was becoming too powerful. He turned to the diplomatic skills of Siaous
Certainty: 2 Malik-Shah gave power to Yaghi Siyan, Aksungur, Duqaq & (anachronistically) Kilic Arslan. The Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah was given Antioch by al-Hasan b. Tahir al-Shahrastani, and in return made Hasan head of the city's government, while Yaghi Siyan was made the formal ruler and army chief. Yaghi Siyan governed Antioch and neighbouring territories (at first on behalf of Sulayman b. Qutulmush, who had taken them from Philaretos Brachamios in 1084) till the coming of the Franks of the First Crusade. [William of Tyre merges Alp Arslan and Malik-Shah into the compiled personality "Belfeth", and includes in the distribution of power Aksungur, Duqaq and (anachronistically) Kilic Arslan I, who, according to Albert of Aachen, gained power by a trick]
Certainty: 2 Sulayman's governors rebelled at his death; Abul-Kasim claimed title of sultan & raided Byzantium, but was checked. After Sulayman's death the governors he had left around the areas he controlled seized in their own right the places under their command. Abul-Kasim made himself ruler of Nicaea: as this was a major city, seat of a sultan, he had no hesitation in calling himself sultan, and ravaging Byzantine lands up to the Sea of Marmara. He had ceded part of Cappadocia to his brother, Poulchases. But Alexios checked Abul-Kasim's attacks on the shore of the Sea of Marmara, employing the same tactics as he had used before (with Sulayman). He pushed Abul-Kasim towards a treaty
Certainty: 3 Alexios corrupted Siaous to dismiss coastal Turkish governors, Charatikes in Sinope & others. When Siaous came from Malik-Shah to propose an imperial marriage alliance, he ignored the message he brought but concentrated on the messenger. He found he had a Georgian mother, was interested in baptism and willing to leave Malik-Shah's service. He told Alexios he had a letter from Malik-Shah to show to Turkish governors of coastal cities, to dismiss them from office if Alexios was ready to accept a marriage alliance. Alexios suggested that Siaous should use this letter to dismiss some Turkish commanders, and then return to Constantinople. Siaous accordingly dismissed Charatikes from Sinope, handing it over to Konstantinos Dalassenos (Alexios' appointed governor), without losing a penny of the stores of cash there. As Charatikes left, he smashed a church of the Theotokos and was possessed by a demon. Siaous also dismissed other Turkish governors
Certainty: 3 In discussions at Lardea, opinion was divided, with young officers wishing to fight the Pechenegs. Alexios I began to debate whether to cross the Haimos mountains northwards to attack the Pechenegs near the Danube. The blinded military expert Nikephoros Bryennios was against this move, as was Gregorios Maurokatakalon, who had been ransomed at a high price from the Pechenegs. Bryennios warned Alexios that he would be testing all his fastest horses to escape. But the younger and more vigorous commanders were in favour: Nikolaos Katakalon, Georgios Palaiologos, and the two sons of Romanos IV, Nikephoros and Leon. Alexios, always preferring boldness, took the latter view
Certainty: 3 Pechenegs sent an embassy to avoid being caught between Alexios & Euphorbenos; Alexios would not see them. The Pechenegs thus faced a dangerous pincer attack between Georgios Euphorbenos coming down the Danube with ships and soldiers, and Alexios I's large army. They therefore sent 150 ambassadors to play for time by talking of peace, with mixed promises and threats. Alexios saw through this and refused to listen
Certainty: 3 Alexios intimidated the Pechenegs by predicting an eclipse, then sent them under guard to the capital. Having learnt from Nikolaos, a secretary, that an eclipse of the sun was imminent, he was initially sceptical; but he used the event to intimidate the Pecheneg embassy and test their sincerity. He then sent them to the capital under the guard of the eunuch Leon Nikerites
Certainty: 3 En route for the capital, the Pechenegs murdered their guards & escaped; Nikerites fled back to Alexios. Leon Nikerites, commanding the guard of the Pecheneg prisoners on the way to Constantinople, faced an attack by them at Mikra Nikaia. The Pechenegs killed the sentinels and escaped back to their band. Nikerites too escaped, and returned to Alexios at Goloe with only three companions
Certainty: 3 Alexios I crossed the Sidera as far as Pliskoba & Dristra, suffering attacks on foragers. When Nikerites reported the escape of the Pechenegs, Alexios I was eager for battle and took his army across the Sidera pass, setting up camp near the Bitzina river. He moved on to Pliskoba, and climbed a ridge called Symeon's ridge. Throughout the march, careless foragers were massacred. Alexios camped not far from Dristra, with the enemy attacking as the imperial tent was pitched, causing it to collapse in an ill-omened way, with the loss of troops. He led in person the force which drove the raiders away
Certainty: 3 Alexios I besieged Dristra, breaching the walls, but unable to capture the citadels; he abandoned the siege. Alexios made a conventional attack on Dristra with siege engines, breached the wall and entered the city with his whole army. But he did not capture the two citadels. Tatous, the Pecheneg ruler of Dristra, had foreseen the attack on his city and gone off to enlist Cuman support. He had told his relations, who remained to defend Dristra, to fortify a dominant ridge outside the city, which would make Alexios' siege very difficult. Alexios was forced to withdraw to a fortified camp near the Danube, where he discussed whether to attack the Pecheneg army
Certainty: 3 In council of war, some were for battle, others for guerilla tactics; Alexios decided to attack. Georgios Palaiologos and Gregorios Maurokatakalon urged Alexios I not to attack the Pecheneg army, but to capture Great Preslav. This strong fortress would provide a secure base from which to conduct guerilla warfare. However the inexperienced Leon and Nikephoros Diogenes promised to cut the enemy to pieces. The emperor, daredevil as he always was, took no notice of cautious advice and prepared for battle
Certainty: 3 Alexios sent his baggage to Betrinos, ordering the army to be ready at sunrise. Alexios I entrusted the imperial tent and all the baggage train to Georgios Koutzomites, who was to take them on to Betrinos. The army was ordered to stay awake all night without lights, and to be ready to attack at dawn
Certainty: 3 Both sides prepared for battle, with Byzantines' leaders listed. Alexios I stationed himself in the centre of the Byzantine line, with many of his relatives, including Adrianos his brother, leader of the Latins, and other brave men. The left wing was commanded by his brother-in-law Nikephoros Melissenos, the left by Kastamonites and Tatikios. The Uzes Ouzas and Karatzas were in charge of the nomad mercenaries. The emperor chose six personal bodyguards: Leon and Nikephoros Diogenes, Nikolaos Maurokatakalon, Ioannakes (Basileios Kourtikios), Nampites commander of the Varangians and his family retainer Goules. The Pechenegs arrayed themselves with their usual skill, using ambushes and their wagons
Certainty: 3 Pecheneg numbers soon told, but the battle was not lost till large Pecheneg reinforcements appeared. Alexios I imposed discipline on his troops not to break ranks till the enemy was very close. He had hardly finished preparations when the Pechenegs attacked. The battle was long, with very heavy losses on both sides. Leon Diogenes made a fierce charge but was carried too close to the enemy wagons and mortally wounded. Adrianos, the emperor's brother and leader of the Latins, launched a desperate counter-attack against the Pechenegs and nearly reached their wagons. He fought valiantly but returned with only seven companions, everyone else having been killed or taken captive. The Romans held the first wave of Pechenegs and the battle was balanced on a knife-edge: but the arrival of 36,000 Pecheneg reinforcements broke their spirit
Certainty: 3 Alexios was forced to flee gloriously, turning often & killing pursuers, first to Goloe, then to Beroe. Alexios I for a time held firm against the reinforced Pechenegs, with a sword in one hand and the pallium of the Theotokos in the other. He maintained the centre of the Roman line with twenty cavalrymen including Nikephoros Diogenes, the protostrator Michael Doukas and family servants. He avoided death when three Pechenegs leapt on him and his horse. Michael Doukas the protostrator told him to escape as the army was defeated, but Alexios at first refused, preferring a noble death to flight. Michael reminded him of his responsibilities as emperor. Alexios decided to escape, but not with the rest of the army. With a small group he cut his way through the enemy line to reach safer ground behind them. Michael the protostrator fell when his horse slipped, but a retainer gave him another, and he rode close to the emperor. They had to turn and kill several pursuers, and the emperor saved Nikephoros Diogenes by warning him of an approaching attacker. Alexios was hit by a lance on the buttock, a blow which later caused trouble. Before reaching Goloe he hid the pallium of the Theotokos in a bush. From Goloe he withdrew to Beroe, where he stayed to ransom prisoners. He would later recount his deeds in this battle to his family around the fireside, but never boasted of them
Certainty: 3 Georgios Palaiologos received a (miraculous?) remount from Leon of Chalcedon, & escaped heroically. Georgios Palaiologos, fleeing after defeat by the Pechenegs near Dristra, was thrown from his horse, which disappeared. As he searched for it, he was given a remount by Leon of Chalcedon, a vision probably given because he honoured Leon. He mounted the horse and Leon disappeared. As he galloped he met 150 men surrounded by Pechenegs and in grave danger; he made a pact with them to attack without regard for personal safety (and thus to gain it); most failed to do so, but Georgios killed an enemy and escaped. As he continued flight, his horse was wounded and fell, but he escaped to a mountain and wandered lost for eleven days till he was looked after for a time by a soldier's widow; her sons, who survived, showed him the route home
Certainty: 3 The captured Nikephoros Melissenos helped work out ransoms for prisoners, which Alexios paid. The Pecheneg leaders wanted their captives killed, while the rank and file insisted on ransoms. Nikephoros Melissenos, though a prisoner himself, helped the troops persuade their leaders to rescind their orders. Melissenos wrote to Alexios at Beroe, conveying the terms, and Alexios paid the ransoms with money from the capital
Certainty: 3 The Cumans arrived late but demanded a share of the booty; they were forced to leave through lack of provisions. The Cuman army brought by Tatous as allies arrived after the battle, but claimed a share of the vast booty. The Pechenegs refused. The Cumans became furious, fought and defeated the Pechenegs, and blockaded them for some time at Ozolimne. However the Cumans ran out of provisions, and so were forced to go home, vowing to return and avenge their treatment
Certainty: 3 Death at Shayzar of Usama's grandfather, Sadid al-Mulk 'Ali.
Certainty: 2 Siaous returned to Constantinople, was baptised & made doux of Anchialos. When Siaous had dismissed several Turkish governers from coastal cities, he returned to Constantinople. Alexios had him baptised and made him doux of Anchialos, offering him many gifts
Certainty: 2 Christodoulos, in an interview with Alexios I, made his first request for Patmos. Christodoulos invoked divine aid, went to see Alexios I, was introduced, well received, and spoke with him. He revealed to the emperor his fervent desire for Patmos, and begged to have it as an imperial gift, free of all obligations. Alexios liberally and royally granted Christodoulos his goodwill but begged him, all but bending his crowned head, not to persist in his aim but to accept the government of a mountain called Kellia and Zagora [on Mt Pelion, in Eastern Thessaly], given to monks long ago. This imperial influence might have persuaded Christodoulos to accept, but he found the monks from that mountain of a habit different from his own wish and purpose, quite without the strict regime needed for a solitary life, so he insisted
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming donation of Chostiane (Moglena) to Leon Kephalas. Leon Kephalas, vestarches and primikerios of the vestiaritai, had defended Larissa against Bohemond. He was rewarded with the chorion of Chostiane in the theme of Moglena, whose praktikon (with names of its few paroikoi, both boidatoi and aktemones) was established by Petros the vestes. Leon received an imperial prostaxis, and asked Alexios for the confirmation of the grant by chrysobull, which was provided. It confirmed his ownership of the land and revenues of Chostiane in perpetuity, exempting it from all taxes. Alexios asked Ioannes, protoproedros and logothetes of the dromos, to add the exemption to the praktikon
Certainty: 3 The Parthenon inscriptions record the death in November of Ioannes Blachernites the protosynkellos. Ioannes Blachernites the prosynkellos is reported in the Parthenon inscriptions as having died during November
Certainty: 1 Theodoros Gabras captured Trebizond from the Turks & treated it as his own possession. Theodoros Gabras captured Trebizond from the Turks, treated it as his own possession and could not be defeated
Certainty: 3 Buzan besieged Edessa for three months; the doux Parsama faced a revolt which delivered the city to Buzan.
Certainty: 2 Twelve Armenian nobles of Edessa were denounced to Buzan & killed.
Certainty: 2 Buzan besieged Ganjak.
Certainty: 3 Tzelgou & Solomon of Hungary ravaged Charioupolis area, shadowed by Byzantine generals. Tzelgou, commander of the huge Pecheneg army, with a substantial force of Hungarian allies under Solomon, invaded the upper valley of the Danube. They ravaged the towns around Charioupolis, reaching the city itself. Tzelgou, having collected much plunder, occupied Skoteinos. When the Roman generals Nikolaos Maurokatakalon and Bempetziotes heard of this, they went to Pamphylon. Then, seeing the local people rushing to forts and cities in panic, they moved on to Koule, followed by the Pechenegs
Certainty: 3 Tzelgou pursued Maurokatakalon, who decided to attack; he won a victory & Tzelgou was killed. Tzelgou and the Pechenegs prepared for battle at dawn. Nikolaos Maurokatakalon climbed to a good spot for reconnaissance, saw the enormous superiority of the enemy in numbers, and hesitated to fight. He returned to the camp and consulted the other commanders, especially Ioannakes (Basileios Kourtikes). They encouraged him to accept battle. Maurokatakalon divided his army into three and attacked, winning a glorious victory. The enemy casualties were heavy, including Tzelgou himself, who showed great personal bravery. Many were drowned in a river
Certainty: 3 Victorious generals were rewarded in the capital, then left again under Adrianos Komnenos. Maurokatakalon and the other victors in the battle with Tzelgou went to Constantinople, where they were suitably rewarded by Alexios I. But they soon left again, under the command of the emperor's brother Adrianos Komenenos, who had been appointed megas domestikos of the West in succession to Gregorios Pakourianos
Certainty: 3 Alexios I & Anna Dalassene made grants of land to Christodoulos. Christodoulos went to see Alexios I, requested and was granted, with the consent of Anna Dalassene, the island of Leipsos, the proasteia of Parthenion and Temenia on Leros, and half of the proasteion of Pantelion also on Leros for his monastery of the Theotokos on Kos. When Leros had been granted by Alexios I to the sekreton of the Myrelaion, Matzaros the vestarches claimed the island belonged to him, but a subsequent inquiry by the epi tou kanikleiou and the epi ton kriseon rejected this. A chrysobull was issued donating Leipsos and the two and a half proasteia on Leros in perpetuity to Christodoulos
Certainty: 3 Bureaucracy in action: Alexios I & Anna Dalassene made grants to Christodoulos. Imperial donations to Christodoulos centred, bureaucratically, on three documents: (1) A pittakion of Alexios I to register his chrysobull for Christodoulos in the sekreton of the oikeiaka, with copies of the pittakion sent to Christodoulos, as confirmed by four signatures on the original pittakion (three imperial notarioi of the sekreton of the oikeiaka - Basileios Aichmalotos, Ioannes Karianites and Ioannes Bitzytzikos - and Theoktistos Eulampes), and by five signatures on a copy in the sekreton of the genikon (Basileios Chalkoutzes the genikos, Niketas Arboundounos imperial notarios of the sekreton of the genikon, its chartoularios (unnamed), Konstantinos Sphondyles the megas chartoularios and Thomas Chalkoutzes). (2) A decree ordering Eustathios Charsianites, strategos of Samos, to transfer the properties, at different times to be associated with Alexios I or Anna Dalassene. A praktikon was prepared in two copies for the monks and the sekreton of Myrelaion. (3) A pittakion of Anna Dalassene to register Alexios' chrysobull in the sekreton of Myrelaion, with copy sent to Christodoulos, as confimed by one signature on the original pittakion (Michael Machetares) and seven on a copy in the sekreton of the Myrelaion representing eleven people in all (five weare officials in the sekreton of Myrelaion: Basileios the chartophylax - signing for two others - three imperial notarioi of the sekreton - Ioannes Panaretos, Michael Laktoutoutzes and Nikolaos Stethatos - and Michael, mesokellarites of the sekreton signing for one other; also Chrysanthos, imperial notarios of the gerotropheion and Ioannes Soumn..., epi tou koitonos, signing for one other)
Certainty: 3 Alexios sent Synesios with a generous chrysobull to pacify the Pechenegs: a treaty was made. Alexios sent Synesios to Markella with a chrysobull to persuade the Pechenegs to give hostages and remain still and peaceable, by promising to meet all their requirements for provisions. If they refused, he was to return at once. The Pechenegs accepted the offer he brought, a treaty was made, and he stayed with them, providing supplies and avoiding any possible friction. The emperor had decided to make these generous concessions to the Pechenegs because he wished to use them against the Cumans
Certainty: 3 The Cumans wanted to attack the Pechenegs, hearing of the new treaty; Alexios refused, but gave rich gifts. The Cumans returned to take vengeance on the Pechenegs for the events of the last year, and asked Alexios for permission to attack them at Markella, despite his treaty with them, of which they had heard. He refused the Cumans' request, but then had to buy them off with generous gifts. As a result the Pechenegs in their turn broke their treaty and again began to attack both cities and countryside
Certainty: 2 Alexios I ordered the handover of properties on Leros to Christodoulos. Eustathios Charsianites, strategos of Samos, was ordered by Alexios I (via a pittakion of Anna Dalassene) to hand over to Christodoulos the island of Leipsos, and half a kastron and two proasteia on Leros. He executed the transfer via Ioannes Antzas, a notarios on Leros, who handed over the properties to the monks Gerasimos, Neophytos and Leontios, who represented Christodoulos' monastery on Kos
Certainty: 2 Pope Victor III complained to Anna Dalassene of high taxes on pilgrims & seizure of horses. [A pope named Victor made this complaint in an undated letter to an empress abbreviated as "A.". Victor III and Anna are a much more likely pair than Victor II and Theodora. This might be an attempt by Victor III, during his very brief papacy, to begin healing the rift of Gregory VII, without releasing Alexios I from excommunication. Alexios was very short of money and horses.] Victor complained to the empress about tribute exacted from western pilgrims by her officials: in some places, three gold hyperpyra (aurei) were charged for each mounted pilgrim or each pair of foot pilgrims, while horses were being requisitioned and misused
Certainty: 3 Birth & coronation of Ioannes (II) Komnenos. A son, Ioannes Komnenos was born to the imperial couple on Monday 13 September, was baptised in Hagia Sophia by the patriarch Nikolaos III Grammatikos and was crowned by his father Alexios I, to set him as soon as possible on his imperial road. After two females, the birth of a male was celebrated by the parents and their subjects with great enthusiasm. The position of Konstantinos Doukas as co-emperor was undermined
Certainty: 3 Niketas of Ankyra spoke on elections (attacking imperial interference), & on resignations. Alexios I had issued a pittakion attempting to dissolve a canonical election; the pittakion included a clause making any opposition to an imperial decree sacrilege. This was opposed by Niketas of Ankara, who in his speech 'On Elections', used canonical evidence to argue against it. He cited canons to show how ecclesiastical elections should be carried out, and that the emperor had no right to interfere in ecclesiastical matters. At around the same time, he composed a piece 'On Resignations', attacking those who were trying to have ecclesiastical resignations outlawed, and defending his own decision to resign his post
Certainty: 2 Alexios called a synod to examine Neilos & the Armenians; they & Blachernites were stigmatised. Alexios realised that Neilos and the Armenians were doing great harm, obscuring patristic teachings. He convened a synod against them, with the patriarch Nikolaos, all leading churchmen, and a full complement of the church hierarchy. Neilos himself played a central role with the Armenians in the synod called to examine his views, explaining and defending them clearly. But the synod found them heretical and condemned them to eternal anathema. Alexios also referred to the synod [Theodoros] Blachernites, who spread "Enthusiast" doctrines and uprooted major families. The emperor gave him wise advice, but he was intransigent and he too was anathematised
Certainty: 1 Books rescued from Latros sent to Constantinople: litigation on ownership between Christodoulos & patriarch. After Melanoudion, Latros and the other monasteries fell to the Turks, Christodoulos sent a boat with soldiers to fetch the steward who had charge of the books. He brought them to Kos, then afterwards to the capital. Later, a dispute arose between Christodoulos and the patriarch Nikolaos III Grammatikos concerning them. The patriarch agreed to send back a quarter of the books, those without ornament, the remaining three quarters being deposited in Hagia Sophia. A memorandum about these books was made at the synod in the great council-chamber
Certainty: 3 Theophylaktos of Ohrid delivered an encomium to Alexios I, on the Pechenegs & his family. Even without a convenient opportunity, and despite his own inadequacy, he would have been led to praise Alexios I by the latter's deeds, especially his defeat of the Pechenegs, which led to the recent peace. Alexios was a splendid model of virtue and courage for all philosophers. He gave an intimidating description of the Pechenegs, showing Alexios 1's achievement in forcing them to make peace without bloodshed; he praised his use of the "Huns" (Cumans) against the Pechenegs, and his intimidation of the Turkish ruler (Malik-Shah?). He praised Alexios 1's excellent qualities: courage of which he was an outstanding example, reason in not acting precipitously, justice and clemency in dealing with barbarians (not a sign of weakness, but a way of regaining cities), mildness over a recent plot, and prudence in making appointments. He praised Alexios I's family; Eirene Doukaina, the only woman he loved, mother of his children; his son, Ioannes, who should at once become co-emperor; Anna Dalassene, the palace's moral force and his co-ruler and second, sometimes even in his presence. He ended his encomium with a wish for still more descendants for Anna Dalassene, then handed over the praise of the emperor to his students
Certainty: 2 Synesios reported to Alexios I that the Pechenegs were breaking the treaty by ravaging surrounding towns. He received a report from Synesios that the Pechenegs whom he was observing had broken their treaties and were laying waste nearby towns and countryside. Synesios came to Alexios bringing eye-witness evidence of their crimes
Certainty: 2 Arrangement by Anna Dalassene of remaining estates on Leros.
Certainty: 3 Election of Urban II as pope did not solve divisions in the western church. During the pontificate of Gregory VII, the ambition of Clement III and the support of the emperor Henry IV and the people of Rome had already encouraged Clement to usurp papal rights. He excluded Gregory from St Peter's. When Urban II was elected as Gregory's legitimate successor, the division continued, and he too was excluded from St Peter's. Urban responded by touring Italy, reconciling those who had erred
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I granting Patmos to Christodoulos. Christodoulos, seeking a place suitable for his ascetic lifestyle, chose Patmos because of its association with Ioannes the Theologian but also as deserted and far from the mainland. He went to Alexios I and requested Patmos exempt from all taxes, to build a monastery and settle with his disciples, giving in exchange his properties on Kos. His wish was granted with the help of Anna Dalassene and formalised with a chrysobull. The monastery was not to acquire property outside the island apart from Leipsos and properties on Leros which Christodoulos already owned. Lay people were to be excluded from Patmos excepting those who worked for monks, an exception owed to Alexios I which was to prove useful. Christodoulos was delighted with these arrangements, which were more imperial munificence than an exchange of Patmos for Kos
Certainty: 3 Chrysobulls of Alexios I granting exemption for a ship of 500 modioi for the Theologos of Patmos. Christodoulos requested Alexios I to grant an exkousseia on a ship of 500 modioi to be built for and owned by his newly founded monastery, and was issued a chrysobull to that effect, its stipulations to be applied to any replacement of the said vessel. A century later, it was claimed that permission was given in 1088 for three such ships
Certainty: 1 Death of Ioannes Doukas the kaisar.
Certainty: 3 Tax exemptions of Theologos of Patmos confirmed by a pittakion of Anna Dalassene. Following the decision of Alexios I to grant Patmos to Christodoulos with tax exemptions in perpetuity, Anna Dalassene, at the request of Christodoulos, issued a pittakion sealed in wax, ordering that copies be registered in relevant sekreta and sent to Christodoulos himself. The original pittakion was signed by the (unnamed) logothetes of the sekreta as needing to be registered in different sekreta, while 25 other signatures were made to copies (two by fathers on behalf of their sons). That in the sekreton of the oikeiaka was signed by eight persons, that in the sekreton of the sakelle by six, that in the sekreton of the genikon by five and that in the sekreton of the stratiotikon logothesion by four
Certainty: 3 Anna Dalassene intervened in dispute between Christodoulos & paroikoi of Leros property. A disagreement arose between the paroikoi of Parthenion on Leros and the monks of Christodoulos concerning their respective rights. Anna Dalassene ordered Eustathios Charsianites to intervene and establish the property boundaries and rights of the parties
Certainty: 3 Praktikon of Patmos & handover of island to Christodoulos. Christodoulos arrived on Patmos with Georgios Granatos, deacon of Hagia Sophia & protosynkellos, who was to hand over the island to him. They found it uninhabited, uncultivated, treeless and waterless. Georgios had been instructed by Nikolaos Tzanzes, krites & anagrapheus of Kyklades, to prepare a periorismos of Patmos in 2 copies and to send it back to him for confirmation, to also contain a decree (of Alexios I) concerning the donation of the island to Christodoulos, who had given up all his property at Strobilos and on Kos. Nikolaos signed the praktikon of Georgios and requested the logothetes of the genikon to register it in his sekrteon
Certainty: 3 Settling of the dispute between Christodoulos & paroikoi of his Leros property. Anna Dalassene realised that there was another kastron on Leros called Lepida, in addition to Pantelion, and so she granted Christodoulos the other half of Pantelion (beyond the half he already owned) and gave Lepida to the epoikoi of the island, ordering Eustathios Charsianites, strategos of Samos, to act accordingly. Eustathios had already sent the notarios Ioannes Theologites to Leros, to measure the fields of the proasteion of Parthenion contested between the paroikoi and the monks of Christodoulos. Now he was asked to work at Lepida and Pantelion as well. When the properties had been handed over, he was one of the six witnesses to sign the relevant praktikon
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent three letters of complaint soon after arrival at his see. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Adrianos Komnenos, brother of Alexios Komnenos and megas domestikos, asking him for deliverance from serving the barbarous Slavs of Ohrid. Around the same time he wrote to the epi ton deeseon (probably another office of the hypatos of the philosophers Theodoros Smyrnaios), picturing himself as an eagle forced to live in the mud with frogs. A third, shorter letter to Niketas ho tou Serron, refers his correspondent to news sent in the other two letters. [These are conventional letters home of a Constantinopolitan in exile.] Theophylakt's brother, who carried the last two letters (at least), could also be consulted about Ohrid
Certainty: 0 The young Nikolaos Mouzalon received an excellent education, showing signs of promise.
Certainty: 3 Birth of Eudokia (daughter of Alexios I). Eudoxia - Eudokia, daughter of Alexios I was born on Sunday 14 January
Certainty: 3 Alexios & Anna Dalassene reinstated the previous tax regime on the Docheiariou estate at Satoubla . Alexios I, following a request from Docheiariou over the earlier annullment of the taxation provisions on its estate at Satoubla (those of Kontoleon and Kataphloron), sent a letter to Niketas Xiphilinos, krites and anagrapheus of Boleron, Strymon and Thessalonike, ordering him to reinstate the earlier tax regime. Anna Dalassene, also following a request from Docheiariou, ordered Niketas to accept the tax imposed earlier by Kontoleon and Kataphloron on its property at Perigardikeia (Chalkidike). Niketas copied and signed the imperial letters of Alexios I and Anna Dalassene on Perigardikeia and Satoubla, adding an act over recent additions to the property. The decree of Anna Dalassene was registred in the sekreton of the genikon by the protonobelissimos and logothetes of the sekreta
Certainty: 3 Alexios I exempted epoikoi of Patmos from strateia. Alexios I issued, signed in red ink and sealed in wax a decree ordering Christophoros Kopsenos to exempt from the strateia the epoikoi of Patmos, and to impose it instead on those living on the former properties of Christodoulos on Kos. The decree was sent to Christodoulos, passed from him to his associate the monk Gregorios, who brought it to Christophoros. Twelve names of epoikoi of Patmos were listed
Certainty: 3 Periorismos of the Leros properties which were granted to Christodoulos of Patmos. Ioannes Theologites established at the orders of Eustathios Charsianites a praktikon for the properties at Parthenion on Leros, disputed between the monks of Christodoulos and the local paroikoi
Certainty: 3 Patmos epoikoi exempted from strateia by anagrapheus of Kos Christophoros Kopsenos. Christophoros Kopsenos, the anagrapheus of Kos, was instructed by an imperial decree to exempt the epoikoi of Patmos from the strateia and to impose the strateia on those living on the former properties of Christodoulos on Kos. Twelve names of those exempted were listed
Certainty: 3 Alexios I issued a decree to return Xenophontos to its exiled hegoumenos Symeon. At the petition of Symeon/Stephanos, hegoumenos of Xenophontos, Alexios I ordered Paulos, hegoumenos of Docheiariou and protos of Athos, to restore the monastery of Xenophontos & its estates to Symeon. Alexios sent Theodoros Senachereim to oversee the matter. Xenophontos was compensated for loss of the metochion of Phalakrou by a grant of the monastery of Monoxylitou. The former monydrion of Christ the Saviour, which its founder Hilarion earlier gave to the central administration of Athos, was returned to Xenophontos under fixed conditions. The monastery of Prophet Daniel was made independent of Xenophontos, which also received two parcels of land, one making up for the loss of the proasteion of Kekaumenoi to Isaakios Komnenos, who also received the proasteion of Portarea from Esphigmenou. These agreements were confirmed at various points by Alexios I, Niketas Xiphilinos, krites & anagrapheus of Boleron, Strymon and Thessalonike, & his subordinate Eugenios kouboukleisios. The document detailing the return by Paulos to Symeon of the monastery of Xenophontos & its estates was signed by 15 hegoumenoi and senior Athonite monks, some called witnesses. Paulos the protos was ordered by Alexios I in a decree to readmit Symeon to Athos, to return to him the monastery and estates of Xenophontos, and to register its possessions with the emperor's envoy Theodoros Senachereim. Paulos summoned the monks and hegoumenoi, read out AlexiosÂ’ decree in the presence of Theodoros, then went to Xenophontos to restore monastery and properties to Symeon as its second founder
Certainty: 3 Praktikon & handover of Leros properties to Christodoulos of Patmos after settlement of dispute. The lands on Leros disputed between the local paroikoi and the monks of Christodoulos were measured and a praktikon was drawn by Ioannes Theologites, signed by 9 named witnesses
Certainty: 2 Tax due by Lavra reassessed by krites & anagrapheus of Boleron, Strymon & Thessalonike Niketas Xiphilinos. Niketas Xiphilinos, krites and anagrapheus of Boleron, Strymon and Thessalonike, was asked by Alexios I to calculate the fiscal charges of Lavra based on a rate of 1 nomisma per 535.5 modioi. As for the area of land to be taxed, Nikolaos II, the hegoumenos of Lavra, declared that his monastery owned 42,705 modioi of land according to the fiscal charges set by Xiphilinos' predecessor Andronikos (1047) and then by Ioannes Kataphloron, stategos and anagrapheus of Smolenoi, Thessalonike and Serres (1079), excluding the properties of Pallene (Kassandra), whose revenues were paid to Adrianos Komnenos, Alexios' brother. Xiphilinos was asked to leave the monastery the land included in the census of Andronikos, but to transfer to the fisc that added by Kataphloron
Certainty: 3 Basileios, metropolitan of Calabria, was disappointed by Urban II at the synod of Melfi.
Certainty: 3 Alexios I & the synod found no reason to exclude the pope from the diptychs, & restored him.
Certainty: 3 The synod of Constantinople reacted to a letter of Urban II.
Certainty: 3 Nikolaos III, patriarch of Constantinople, asked Urban II for a statement of faith. Nikolaos welcomed letters sent with ambassadors from Urban II, but indicated they had expressed doubts about Byzantine attitudes to westerners, for example whether the latter were barred from churches. Such rumours were spread by deceitful men. He reassured Urban they were untrue, and westerners could and would continue to worship as freely in "Greek" churches as "Greeks" in Italian churches. He committed himself to church unity, and reminded Urban of the old custom (begun by St Paul) of a new patriarch writing to his colleagues with an account of his appointment and a statement of faith for their approval. He asked Urban to follow this custom now: he offered his own messengers, Basileios of Calabria and Romanos of Rossano to convey the letter - or Urban might prefer carriers of his own. Basileios and Romanos were travelling in part to deliver Nikolaos' letter, but in part on their own account. Baslileios needed Urban's help to establish himself in the see to which he had been canonically appointed, while Romanos would provide his own information about what was being done by Latins in his see. Nikolaos ended by praying for God's aid for Urban
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming ownership & exemptions of properties left by Leon Kephalas to his children. Leon Kephalas had administered his properties (Ta Adrinou, Ano, Chostiane, Mesolimna) wisely, and bequeathed them to his children (Nikephoros and others), who asked for confirmation by imperial chrysobull. Alexios I confirmed their ownership of the properties bequeathed by their father and the revenues derived from them
Certainty: 3 Alexios at Beroe met the count of Flanders returning from Jerusalem, who promised him 500 horsemen. While Alexios was at Beroe, he received Robert I of Flanders, who was returning from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Robert swore allegiance to Alexios, in the usual Latin way. He also promised to send him 500 horsemen as allies from Flanders
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I confirming tax obligations of Lavra following reassessment by Niketas Xiphilinos. Alexios I issued a chrysobull for the monastery of Lavra at the request of its hegoumenos Nikolaos II, confirming the fiscal charges of the monastery's properties as assessed in the praktikon of Niketas Xiphilinos and abolishing the additional tax imposed earlier by Ioannes Kataphloron
Certainty: 2 Neantzes defected to the Byzantines; Migidenos organised markets for local food. Just before one of the impermanent truces between Alexios and the Pechenegs, Neantzes deserted to the Byzantine side. Around the same time, Migidenos was sent to organise markets for the sale of local produce. [At a later, undated battle against the Pechenegs Migdenos' son charged too close, was pulled into the wagon circle by a woman wielding an iron hook, and was beheaded. The emperor ransomed the young man's head, but his father Migdenos committed suicide out of grief]
Certainty: 3 Basileios, metropolitan of Calabria, crossed to Dyrrachion, receiving a letter from Nikolaos III.
Certainty: 1 The Pechenegs reached (or captured ?) Philippopolis. Among the negative reports he received about the Pechenegs, perhaps the worst news was that they had reached (or captured ?) Philippopolis. He had inadequate forces to meet this threat: he realised that he would have to use cunning, skirmishing and ambush
Certainty: 1 Alexios planned a guerilla campaign, repeatedly forestalling Pecheneg moves. Alexios fought against the Pechenegs by seeking to anticipate where they wanted to be and occupying that site in advance, thus forestalling the enemies' capture of fortifications. Both he and the Pechenegs arrived at the same time at Kypsella. His mercenaries had not come, and the Pechenegs were very fast-moving and en route for the capital. He decided he had to make peace again, and the enemy agreed with his proposals
Certainty: 3 Alexios I transcribed & published the pittakion on monastic property signed in January 1086.
Certainty: 3 Alexios sent the archontopouloi against the Pechenegs at Charioupolis. The Pechenegs wintered at Taurokomos, ravaging some villages, and went to Charioupolis. In spring, Alexios was at Boulgarophygon. He sent against the enemy the Archontopouloi (a unit of military orphans he founded himself, perhaps including Bardas and Michael the pinkernes)
Certainty: 3 Letter of Basileios of Calabria to patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos.
Certainty: 3 Symbatios Pakourianos made his will. Symbatios Pakourianos, not ill but fearing sudden death, made his will, leaving most of his possessions to his wife Kale and his brother Sergios, who would be his executors. She received her dowry, several proasteia, properties mentioned in their marriage contract, half his pigs, the surplus remaining after the execution of other clauses, and his female slaves. She would also pay for her husband's funeral (at Iveron) and commemorations, and for large gifts to the poor in named coins, some for his free servants. Sergios received a proasteion, half Symbatios' animals (including pigs) and 20 mares. Symbatios' male slaves would be set free, with clothing, bedding, horses, arms, and 20 folles each. Clothing was given to named servants and his brother-in-law, and eight geldings to the emperor. Small sums were left to any of his men not otherwise mentioned, and one nomisma to the imperial vestiarion. Each of the eight witnesses to the will received three nomismata, as did Ioannes Hagiotessarakontites, notarios and taboularios, who wrote it. Since he had no debts and was looking after no money for others, Symbatios hoped his executors would be left in peace
Certainty: 3 The Pechenegs ambushed the archontopouloi, killing 300; Alexios grieved for them. Alexios' attack by the tagma of the Archontopouloi on the Pechenegs at Charioupolis failed. They were ambushed and 300 fell in hand-to-hand combat with the enemy. He was deeply affected by this loss, shedding many tears and mourning each individually, as if they were absent, not dead
Certainty: 3 The Pechenegs plundered up to Apros; Alexios took Apros before them & Tatikios killed 400 foragers. The victorious Pechenegs plundered from Charioupolis to Apros; Alexios, still without enough troops for a battle, reverted to previous tactics, occupying Apros himself before the Pechenegs arrived. He ordered Tatikios to take the most courageous young men, the elite of the household troops and the Latins and observe the Pechenegs foraging, attacking them when they were suitably far from their camp. He was to attack whilst they were foraging at dawn; he did so, and succeeded in killing about 400 of them and taking quite a number of prisoners
Certainty: 3 The antipope Clement III told Basileios, metropolitan of Calabria, of the politics of schism. Basileios, metropolitan of Calabria, had written to the antipope Clement, telling him of letters he had received from the patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos and asking him for an authoritative intervention with duke Roger Borsa of Apulia so that Basileios could recover his see. Clement now replied to Basileios advising him to be patient about gaining Calabria, as Clement himself had to be patient. He explained (as Basileios knew) that Urban II (whom he called heresiarch), the abbot of Grottaferrata and the cardinals of that party had gained a temporary advantage, which made it impossible for Clement to write authoritatively to any Franks in Italy, because they were hostile to him. He advised Basileios to come to see him, or if not, to send him the letters from Constantinople which had been mentioned, so that Clement could reply to them. Soon Henry IV, emperor of Germany, would arrive and put everything right, including Basileios' see
Certainty: 3 Five hundred knights from Flanders, with extra horses, were sent to Nikomedia against Abul-Kasim. Alexios received with honour about 500 horsemen sent by Robert, count of Flanders, along with a gift of 150 of the best horses, with other horses being sold to him by the Flemish knights. Having heard that Abul-Kasim was about to attack Nikomedia, he sent the Flemish knights to protect that city
Certainty: 2 Michael vestes & imperial notarios of the oikeiaka made a periorismos of several Iveron properties.
Certainty: 3 Chaka built a fleet, took Klazomenai & Phokaia, then Mitylene, terrorising its kourator Alopos. Chaka learned of Alexios' many problems in the west, especially the Pechenegs. Thus he decided that it was a good chance for him to build a fleet. He employed an experienced shipbuilder from Smyrna for the job. Near Smyrna they built a fleet, numbers of raiding vessels and 40 decked "agraria"; he manned the latter, sailed to Klazomenai and Phokaia and stormed both of them. He made the most terrible threats to Alopos, the kourator of Mitylene, pretending it was because he wished him well that he warned of the awful fate which awaited him if he did not leave Mitylene at once. The man immediately fled in terror from Mitylene in the night on board a ship to Constantinople. Chaka sailed at once with no delay and stormed Mitylene
Certainty: 3 Alexios sent troops to fortify Methymna, but Chaka captured Chios. Since Methymna on Mitylene had not gone over to Chaka, he sent vessels with a substantial force to defend it. Chaka ignored the resistance at Methymna, sailed straight to Chios and stormed that too
Certainty: 3 Chaka defeated a Byzantine fleet under Niketas Kastamonites, capturing many ships. Hearing of Chaka's seizure of Chios Alexios sent a substantial fleet with many soldiers against him under the command of Niketas Kastamonites. However Chaka immediately defeated him and captured a number of the ships
Certainty: 2 Alexios, with Neantzes, Kantzous & Katranes, was defeated at Rousion by the Pechenegs with heavy losses. Hearing that the Pechenegs were camped at Polybotos and threatening Rousion, he left Constantinople immediately with Neantzes, who would betray him, and the loyal Kantzous and Katranes. They faced a considerable Pecheneg force of foragers at Rousion, attacked it, but were defeated, with many troops killed in the fighting and prisoners killed by their Pecheneg captors, though some reached Rousion. After this reverse, he regained hope after the arrival of the Latins called Maniakatoi and planned a pitched battle on the next day
Certainty: 2 Alexios I lost another engagement with the Pechenegs because of the treachery of Neantzes. At the battle of Hades (Thrace), the armies were so close that he did not use a trumpet to announce a battle at dawn on the morrow; the news was spread by Konstantinos, his falconer, who went round the men with a drum. As battle lines at Hades were forming, Neantzes climbed a hill, ostensibly to spy on the Pechenegs, but in fact to tell them in their own tongue how to arrange their wagons, as Alexios was weak and could easily be beaten. But a half-caste who knew the language heard and understood the treacherous speech that Neantzes made, and reported the content to Alexios. Neantzes himself heard of this report, and demanded proof. But when the half-caste came forward in public to give it, Neantzes promptly beheaded him - an action unlikely to increase his credibility. Even so, Alexios, preparing for battle, controlled his rage. Neantzes even came and asked for a better horse. Despite his suspicions, Alexios gave him a fine animal. But then Neantzes pretended to charge, reversed his spear, and changed sides, giving secrets to the enemy. Alexios fought hard against the Pechenegs, but they knew his plans, and defeated him. When he saw the battle was lost, he escaped to the river near Rousion, giving and taking blows
Certainty: 2 Alexios rallied troops near Rousion with the aid of Georgios Pyrros, organising a makeshift army. Alexios found Georgios Pyrros fleeing from the Pecheneg victory near Hades, and stopped him, then left him to make limited resistance. In the meantime Alexios went to Rousion for reinforcements. He crossed the river, entered Rousion, and with incredible speed gathered some sort of army, made of runaways, locals of military age, and peasants with wagons. He put them in lines, then returned to Pyrros. Though he had a fever, he fooled the Pechenegs that his improvised force was an army, so they withdrew to camp. Later, his army was joined by fugitives like Monastras, Ouzas and Synesios, military men who had fled without striking a blow
Certainty: 2 Alexios defeated the Pechenegs by cultivating a deserter, capturing horses & attacking with bowmen. Tatranes, a Pecheneg deserter particularly loyal to Alexios, approached him to tell him that the Pechenegs would probably provoke the Byzantine army early the next day. To counter this, the Byzantines should be ready in battle formation at dawn. After speaking to the emperor, Tatranes went on to warn the Pecheneg leaders not to be overconfident, as Alexios was expecting a force of mercenaries. He advised them to make peace. Alexios thanked Tatranes and had the army ready at dawn. He also planned for Ouzas and Monastras to capture Pecheneg horses and other animals, while he made a frontal attack. Overnight he encouraged his archers, getting little sleep. In the morning, after seizing the animals, he began a hard-fought battle in which the archers were decisive. From the middle of the line he impressed the Pechenegs with his army's discipline and won the battle: as they fled, he killed many on land and others in a nearby river
Certainty: 2 Alexios won two battles against the Pechenegs near Tzouroulos, in one rolling carts downhill at them. Having rested three days, he went to Tzouroulos, entrenching a camp, which was almost surrounded by the Pechenegs. He lay awake thinking how to trick them. Outnumbered as usual, he decided to use the steep hill down from Tzouroulos: he collected local carts and hung their wheels and axles on the town's walls, above the enemy camp. His men fought below the town, letting themselves (on his orders) be pushed to the sides of the field. The Pechenegs burst triumphantly through the middle. Then he ordered the carts to be cut free. They smashed down violently on the Pechenegs, damaging them and their horses, and leaving them as easy prey for the Byzantine forces
Certainty: 3 Alexios left a force to shadow Pecheneg movements, & returned to Constantinople. Alexios returned to Constantinople for the winter to rest from fighting. He left Basileios Kourtikios (Ioannakes) and Nikolaos Maurokatakalon to garrison towns, shadow the enemy and prepare an army for next year
Certainty: 1 Barsegh met Malik-Shah to gain concessions for Armenians, & deposed Theodore of Honi.
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to the kaisar Nikephoros Melissenos about the kanonikon. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to the kaisar Nikephoros Melissenos, hinting clearly (but in a roundabout way), that he should be permitted to raise the kanonikon from more villages
Certainty: 1 Konstantinos Doukas lost imperial rank, changing the future of Anna Komnene. Some time after the birth of Ioannes (II), the previous co-emperor Konstantinos Doukas was deprived of imperial insignia, a blow to his betrothed wife, Anna Komnene: it probably equates to a disaster she would long after date to before her eighth birthday
Certainty: 0 Death of Michael VII, after forgiving his ex-wife Maria of Alania.
Certainty: 3 Alexios set out before his other generals to defend Choirobakchoi against the Pechenegs. Alexios marched from the capital to Choirobakchoi after a brief rest, without time to bathe, before other generals were ready. He heard the Pechenegs had sent men there. He announced his march to all his relations and army officers, giving them a short rest before following him. He went straight to Choirobakchoi and locked himself in there, barring contact with the enemy, who arrived in numbers. Most stayed nearby, but some threatened the capital. Despite the emergency, his army was reluctant to fight, so he challenged them to follow him in a surprise attack. They did so, and killed and captured many of the enemy
Certainty: 3 Alexios deceived Pechenegs (& some Byzantines) by disguising men in Pecheneg costume. With typical inventiveness, Alexios used the clothes and horses of the dead and prisoners to dress some Byzantines as Pechenegs. Thus they won another victory over unsuspecting Pecheneg raiders. He then left Choirobakchoi in procession, with disguised troops and Pecheneg prisoners in front; this confused Georgios Palaiologos as he approached, receiving puzzled messages from his scouts. Alexios' grim joke dismayed some of those he met on the plain of Dimylia. Palaiologos however, who knew Alexios well, understood the point
Certainty: 3 Kinsmen & generals joined Alexios as he returned, amazed but a little resentful at his quick success. Alexios had fixed a day for kinsmen and generals to join him. However, he returned before they left the city, so they were incredulous that he had achieved so much so quickly, but convinced by details of his procession (e.g. prisoners). His arrival in the capital set off rejoicing of all kinds, singing, dancing and encomia. Georgios Palaiologos (as Anna Komnene heard from eyewitnesses) was annoyed with himself for not leaving for Choirobakchoi with Alexios, and so missing a share in the latter's great victory and its glory. For Alexios had succeeded almost by himself. Nikephoros Melissenos envious of Alexios' success, characterised his victory as a useless joy to the Byzantines and a harmless pain to their enemies: it did not stop Pecheneg raids
Certainty: 3 Pechenegs ravaged near the capital, taking small towns & stopping pilgrimage to Bathys Ryax. Alexios faced great pressures from the Pechenegs, who made raids near the city and captured small fortresses. It was impossible, for example, even for pilgrims to worship at the church of St Theodoros at Bathys Ryax
Certainty: 3 Chaka's fleet raided coasts & islands: he planned to join with the Pechenegs at the Chersonesos. Alexios faced constant Pecheneg incursions, but also attacks by Chaka's new fleet. The latter raided mainland coasts and islands, and planned common action with the nomads at the Chersonese. He impeded Alexios' recruitment of Turkish mercenaries from the east, promising large sums of his own when he had taken Krithai
Certainty: 3 After problems of a heavy winter, Alexios wrote letters far & wide to gather mercenaries. Wars on land and sea were going badly, and the winter brought unprecedented snowfalls. Alexios sent letters everywhere he could for mercenaries, deciding to concentrate on securing the coasts. After the spring solstice, he sent to Nikephoros Melissenos, telling him to go to Ainos and recruit new Bulgarian and Vlach troops, together with any others he could find. These would not be veterans, who were widely used for garrison duty
Certainty: 1 Nikephoros Melissenos liberating Bulgaria (recruiting before battle of Lebounion?). Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent 200 small salt fish to the kaisar Melissenos during Lent, with a letter expressing the hope that his correspondent would help solve his (undefined) problems. Nikephoros had been sent to liberate the barbarian land where Theophylaktos lived (Bulgaria ?). He was probably recruiting before Lebounion
Certainty: 3 Alexios gathered his troops at Ainos, fortifying a camp, but badly outnumbered by the Pechenegs. Alexios summoned the 500 horsemen of Robert of Flanders from Nikomedeia, and met them at Ainos with his family members. He then explored the local river for a camping-place. During the night he lectured the commanders on the river and recommended a place near Choirenoi for the camp. At dawn they visited it, and all approved, so he fortified it and returned to Ainos. During the night he was informed from Choirenoi of the arrival of a vast force of Pechenegs, many times larger than his own. He set out up the river and arrived at his camp, not intimidated, but full of ideas
Certainty: 3 A large army of Cumans appeared; Alexios offered their leaders all booty to be won from the Pechenegs. Alexios' dangerous exposure to the Pechenegs grew worse three days later when an army of 40,000 Cumans appeared. He had to stop them joining the Pechenegs against him, or he would not survive. He had to win over the many Cuman leaders, the most prominent of whom were Togartak and Maniak. He invited them to a sumptuous dinner, Togartak agreeing only after hesitation. He gave the leaders huge presents, but knowing the instability of their characters he also decided to move his camp across the river, for better protection against the two huge armies of nomads. Finally he made a treaty with the Cumans, which they confirmed by oaths and giving hostages: they were to fight the Pechenegs for three days and keep half the booty. Alexios later changed the terms to ten days and all the booty
Certainty: 3 A three-way stand-off: skirmish & negotiation, the Cumans impatient to fight, Alexios delaying. Though the Cumans tested the Pechenegs with three days of skirmishes, Alexios feared their armies would combine. So he told Antiochos to build a bridge over the river (boats covered with planks) and instructed Michael Doukas and Adrianos (Alexios' brother) to prioritise and regulate the traffic. Alexios sent his army over the bridge to a safer camp, which he fortified, while the Cumans took over his previous camp. Another army arriving made him worry that it might bring Pecheneg reinforcements. Fortunately his emissary, the Bulgarian Radomir, found it comprised Byzantine recruits gathered by Nikephoros Melissenos. He joined the two armies, then moved them again to Mt Lebounion, defeating a Pecheneg band in a fierce struggle. He camped round the hilltop of Lebounion, making room for newcomers, defending foothills as well as summit. There he was found again by the renegade Neantzes, whom he imprisoned, with his companions, on bitter past experience. There were many intrigues between the Byzantines, Cumans and Pechenegs; but the Cumans had no faith in Pecheneg promises, and broke the deadlock by demanding an attack the next day. He was afraid to refuse the Cuman request, despite expecting mercenaries from Rome. As he prepared for battle, 5,000 warlike highlanders deserted to his side
Certainty: 3 Byzantines & Cumans fought together at Lebounion, leading to the slaughter of the Pechenegs. Alexios invoked God's aid for the Byzantine cause in a spectacular candlelit service lasting deep into the night. Then, after a brief rest, he supervised the arming of his troops, drawing them up at the foot of Lebounion. He was in the van of the battle line, with Georgios Palaiologos on the right wing and Konstantinos Dalassenos on the left; Monastras and his men were beyond the Cumans, Ouzas on their left and Konstantinos Oumbertopoulos with the Kelts to the west. A Pecheneg commander of elite troops who foresaw the outcome of the battle surrendered to the Cumans and not the Byzantines, and so Alexios still feared reconciliation between the nomads. He thus stationed the Byzantine standard-bearer in the Cuman battle line, to blur the difference between Cumans and Byzantines. As the Cumans and Byzantines began to slaughter the Pechenegs, whose formations broke up, he charged into their ranks, encouraging his weary troops. He also organised local villagers to bring them water
Certainty: 3 Alexios & his allies slaughtered most of the Pechenegs, but he ordered prisoners to be kept alive. After the entire race of Pechenegs had been killed or captured, with their women and children, Alexios ordered the recall to be sounded near nightfall. It had been an incredible day for those who remembered Pecheneg victories. As he reached camp, Synesios complained of the danger: with the unpredictable Cumans still near, each exhausted soldier had 30 or more Pecheneg prisoners; they must be killed before they set each other free. Alexios refused, on grounds of common humanity, and angrily dismissed Synesios when he persisted. But he did order the complete disarming of the Pechenegs, the piling of their weapons in one spot, and a careful guard to be kept on all prisoners
Certainty: 3 Slaughter of all prisoners overnight: Alexios arrested Synesios, but did not punish him further. On the morning after Lebounion, Alexios found that, despite his orders, nearly all prisoners had been massacred in the night. He immediately accused Synesios and imprisoned him, despite his denials. He said that Synesios should learn in prison the enormity of his decision against his fellow man. He did not punish him further, because of the intervention of prominent members of his family. Alexios left on the day after he battle to avoid the stench of corpses, reaching Kala Dendra. On his way there he met Nikephoros Melissenos, who had not been at Lebounion, as he was sending recruits. The two swapped stories and congratulations, and addressed the question of the Cumans
Certainty: 3 The Cumans were given all their dues, extra money, & an exchange of hostages to ensure safe conduct. Alexios heard at Kala Dendra that most Cumans had left secretly with all the booty, fearing he would harm them. He ensured they were sent all they were due, even if delivery was necessary beyond the Danube. The remaining Cumans were fed richly, then next day paid much more than was promised. As hostages for good conduct, Basileios Kourtikios was to secure the nomads' safe journey home, in return for Cuman hostages, who guaranteed they would not cause damage on the way
Certainty: 3 Rule of Christodoulos for monastery of Theologos on Patmos. Christodoulos established a rule for his monastery of the Theologos on Patmos with extremely detailed stipulations concerning every aspect of the daily life of the community and the island
Certainty: 3 Alexios returned victorious to Constantinople. When all negotiations were complete, he returned in triumph to Constantinople, towards the end of May
Certainty: 2 Alexios I sent Michael Doukas to Kyrillos Phileotes, then visited with his family, granting donations. Sent by Alexios I Komnenos, Michael Doukas (brother of the empress Eirene) visited Kyrillos Phileotes at the saint's monastery, having convinced him that he was not a demon. He left a donation for the saint's wife and daughter, and reported to Alexios about the sanctity of Kyrillos. Alexios rejoiced that what he had heard was true. Later the imperial family with their entire household went to see Kyrillos and gave him five pounds of gold, one pound for the monastery, and remission of taxes. They and their attendants also offered their precious garments to the monks, who sold them back to them
Certainty: 2 Alexios I heard that Karykes had revolted & taken Crete, while Rapsomates had control of Cyprus.
Certainty: 3 Birth of Andronikos (son of Alexios I). Andronikos Komnenos, son of Alexios I, was born on September 18
Certainty: 1 A chrysobull confirmed the gift of a proasteion to Samuel Bourtzes by Nikephoros Melissenos. Samuel Bourtzes was granted by Nikephoros Melissenos the proasteion of Rouseou at Bryai in Chalkidike, and the donation was confirmed by a chrysobull of Alexios I. Theodoulos, metropolitan of Thessalonike, would issue an act that the original documents should be kept in the treasury of Hagia Sophia
Certainty: 1 Theodoros Gabras affianced his son Gregorios to a daughter (Maria?) of Isaakios Komnenos. Theodoros Gabras of Trebizond engaged his son Gregorios to a daughter [Maria?] of Isaakios, Alexios' brother, but only in a preliminary way, as they were both under age. He left Gregorios with Alexios, so that their marriage might be arranged when they reached the right age. Alexios had made Theodoros doux of Trebizond, to remove him from the capital, as he knew of the man's violent temper and keenness for action
Certainty: 1 A marriage contract was promised for Gregorios Gabras & a good education. Hearing Theodoros Gabras had reached the Black Sea with his son Gregorios, he at once sent fast ships to catch them and deliver a letter. If (it said) Theodoros did not hand over Gregorios willingly, he would face Alexios' enmity. His ships caught the Gabrades between Aiginoupolis and Karambis, and his letter promised marriage for Gregorios with one of his own daughters [again probably Maria]. Theodoros finally agreed to return him to the capital. Alexios provided Gregorios with a conventional marriage contract, and gave him as tutor Michael the eunuch, a servant of Eirene Doukaina, who provided him with a good moral and military education in the palace. But Gregorios became dissatisfied with life in the palace (as boys do), because he was given insufficient respect, and also took against Michael his tutor. He began to think of escape
Certainty: 1 Victory of Alexios I over Pechenegs, who were converted (concealment of brutal details). [There are some signs that later historians tried to suppress the details of the brutal battle against the Pechenegs and the massacre which followed.] The Pechenegs were unable to resist the army of Alexios I and appealed for mercy. Many perished and the rest were captured and enslaved, like those he settled in the theme of Moglena with their wives and children and constituted them as a special regiment. They remained there to the time of Zonaras, and were called the Moglenite Pechenegs
Certainty: 1 Famine in area of Derkos.
Certainty: 1 Georgios Palaiologos granted money to Kyrillos Phileotes. Kyrillos Phileotes promised his monks that the 80 nomismata which they had earned but seen distributed to the poor would be returned to them a hundred-fold by God. In fact a few days later Georgios Palaiologos, who greatly loved Kyrillos, gave him a bag of gold in exchange for his prayers
Certainty: 2 Tatikios, sent against Abul-Kasim at Nicaea, drove him back into the city & camped nearby. Alexios knew that Abul-Kasim was plotting against him and would delay signing treaties, so he prepared an army of useful size under Tatikios, with which to take the initiative against him. Tatikios had orders to fight intelligently against any enemies he found outside the walls of Nicaea. Anna claimed [falsely] to have often mentioned Tatikios before. He found no Turks near the walls, but drew up his men for battle. Suddenly the gates opened and some 200 Turks charged out, to be met with equal force by Tatikios' Keltish troops and driven with losses back inside the city. He stayed in battle formation till evening, but the Turks remained inside Nicaea; he then withdrew to camp at Basileia, twelve stades away; in the night he heard that a huge Turkish army was approaching
Certainty: 2 Tatikios withdrew, hearing that Borsuq was near with a big army; he beat off Abul-Kasim at Prainetos. Barkiyaruq, having just become the Seljuq sultan, sent Borsuq to Nicaea against Abul-Kasim with 50,000 men. Borsuq made his way gradually to Nicaea, reducing other rebel Turks and their fortresses. But reports of his approach and the size of his forces, first by a peasant and then others, made Tatikios set off home, via Nikomedeia. When from the wall of Nicaea Abul-Kasim saw Tatikios departing, he decided to bring out his men and follow him, in the hope of catching him in a weak position and attacking him. When Tatikios reached Prainetos, Abul-Kasim saw a chance for a determined attack. Tatikios reacted quickly, sent his Keltish cavalry on a swift charge with long lances, routed the enemy and went on to reach the capital
Certainty: 0 Extensive recompense given by Alexios I to Venice (listed at yr. 1084).
Certainty: 1 Ioannes Doukas summoned from Dyrrachion to defeat Chaka. Alexios recalled Ioannes Doukas from Dyrrachion, where he had been posted for many years: he had retaken many of the places captured by Bolkan, sent Alexios many Dalmatian prisoners, and captured Konstantinos Bodin in a fierce battle, after Bodin had made many incursions over the frontier. Alexios sent Ioannes to join Konstantinos Dalassenos in attacking Chaka by land and sea. First operations were successful
Certainty: 3 Theophylaktos of Ohrid asked Ioannes, brother of Eirene Doukaina, for aid against Romanos Straboromanos. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote from Pelagonia to Ioannes, brother of Eirene Doukaina, sad that he had left. He requested from Ioannes a sigillion, granting the village of Mogila to the church of Ohrid, and driving out Romanos Straboromanos who had usurped a church property there and made money from it, then turned against the church. He also requested protection for his relatives at Euripos
Certainty: 2 The sultan sent Bozan to attack Abul-Kasim, with a letter proposing a marriage alliance with Alexios against him. Malik-Shah seems to have been still annoyed and unhappy that Siaous had not returned to him, but had helped Alexios, been baptised and become doux of Anchialos; so he sent Bozan against Abul-Kasim. The sultan also wrote to Alexios, listing Byzantine problems (Latins, nomads and Abul-Kasim), promising to solve them all by marrying Alexios' daughter (Anna the historian herself?) to Malik-Shah's own firstborn (probably Barkiyaruq). Alexios could not entertain a marriage proposal which would have made his daughter wretched, but to give the sultan false hopes, he sent Basileios Kourtikios and three others to drag out negotiations. Kourtikios was to welcome Malik-Shah's proposals, but add demands to delay a conclusion. However before reaching his goal he heard of Malik-shah's death [which is confused with the death of his vizier] and turned back
Certainty: 2 Bozan attacked Nicaea; Abul-Kasim resited, aided by Alexios, diverting Bozan to other cities. Bozan, a Turkish emir, was sent by Malik-Shah against Abul-Kasim and Nicaea. He attacked the city many times, but was bravely beaten off by Abul-Kasim aided by Alexios [a curious doublet of Prosouch]. Bozan was diverted to other targets: he pitched camp near Lampe
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Komnenos received three letters from Theophylaktos of Ohrid soon after reaching Dyrrachion. As Ioannes Komnenos, son of the sebastokrator Isaakios, took up his post as doux of Dyrrachion, replacing Ioannes Doukas, he received three letters from Theophylaktos of Ohrid. The first was a letter of welcome, wishing him good health and encouraging him to protect the poor. The second asked Ioannes to take action aginst a former monk, who (he said) behaved with effrontery like a prostitute, abandoned his monastic habit, ate meat instead of fasting, took a wife, indulged in his shamelessness, joined the men of Iasites in their unjust and unlawful gains against church property, and oppressed the poor. When Theophylaktos summoned the man, he maintained that until the Sunday of Apokreo he had not been in Bulgaria and had not accused anyone, and thus he had to release him. The third letter, accompanied by 100 salt fish, requested a pittakion confirming the tax position of the priests of Pologoi, exempting them from taxes and paying back what had been extracted from them, namely the aerikon and the otrotzina. Ioannes issued the pittakion requested in favour of the priests of Pologoi, and sent it to the ek prosopou
Certainty: 2 Tutush sent Assassins & killed the sultan Malik-shah, making Bozan withdraw to Khorasan. Tutush had caused the violent death of Sulayman ibn Kutulmush (his son-in-law [inaccurate]). After this his arrogance became unbearable, even against his brother Malik-Shah. Hearing that Malik-Shah was discussing peace with Alexios, he sent twelve Assassins to gain access as ambassadors but in fact draw their weapons and murder him. He was drunk and his guards were standing at a distance when the Assassins arrived. They easily cut him to pieces in their usual way, though none of them escaped. When Bozan heard of the murder of Malik-Shah, he withdrew with all his forces towards Khorasan
Certainty: 2 Tutush defeated & killed Bozan, but was then himself defeated & killed by Barkiyaruk. [Anna Komnene gives two versions of the death of Tutush, while Bozan resurfaces in the story of the death of Abul-Kasim, which seems to be dated later than Bozan's death. These events are very unsure in her text.] After Tutush had sent Assassins to murder Malik-Shah, Bozan was withdrawing to Chorasan, when he met the murderer Tutush himself. A great and hard-fought battle ensued; eventually Bozan was defeated and killed and his forces scattered. The victorious Tutush felt himself already sultan - but in fact was in great danger. He was killed in another great battle by Barkiyaruq, the son of the murdered Malik-Shah, who totally defeated him. Another story has Tutush killed in revenge by cousins of Bozan
Certainty: 2 Alexios I's coinage reform. Since Alexios I was cripplingly short of financial resources, he devised outlandish ways of collecting money; those appointed for the task entered unlawful debts against people and those who lawfully owed nothing were deprived of their personal property. He made the nomisma a bronze coin, having found it debased by his predecessors, and used it for the expenditure of the empire. He exacted taxes in the legal gold coinage, and on occasions in other coin too, also gold but an alloy, while there were times when he collected payment even in bronze. Since he needed more bronze, he restruck obols as nomismata, and tore down certain of the public works, that is bronze sculptures, chopped them up for coins, and instituted new tithes
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I granting exemptions & protection to Lavra metochion of Hagios Andreas (near Thessalonike). Alexios I issued a chrysobull for the monastery of Lavra granting it a tax exemption for its metochion of Hagios Andreas in the region of Thessalonike and protection from the pronoetai of Isaakios Komnenos
Certainty: 2 Icon of the Virgin & Holy Cross of Varag was brought to Edessa.
Certainty: 0 Katananges of Athens twice wrongly predicted the death of Alexios I, without being punished. Alexios did not punish Katananges of Athens, though he twice wrongly predicted the date of his death. He wanted to avoid charges of resentment
Certainty: 1 Michael vestes & imperial notarios of the oikeiaka made a periorismos of several Iveron properties (Chalkidike). Michael, vestes and imperial notarios of the oikeiaka established the periorismos of the properties of Iveron at Myriophyton, Melitziane, Hagios Stephanos, Hagia Barbara, Bolbos and Leontaria. He had problems with the supervisor of the neighbouring estate (to Melitziane) of Ioannes Doukas, brother of the empress, and help from Stephanos Chrysodaktylos, magistros and vestarches at Hagios Stephanos. Michael confirmed and signed with his own hand the isokodikon and had it signed by the monk, dikaiophylax and anagrapheus Gregorios Xeros. Seven others signed as witnesses, an eighth is merely recorded as having signed
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Ioannes Taronites, doux of Skopje. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Ioannes Taronites (addressed as Tarontitopoulos), when he was doux of Skopje. He assured him, calling on the prayers of his mother Maria, sister of Alexios I, that he had not received the pittakion on a bishopric which Ioannes claimed to have sent him. He urged Ioannes to investigate. He explained his policy in filling bishoprics: the appointees at Kastoria and Belegarda had distinguished themselves in erudition and teaching in the capital, those at Morobos and Prizren had shown their piety and dignity in the church of Ohrid, while the bishop of Triaditza had been an outstanding monk. He currently was unable to fill Vidin with a man of appropriate experience in both spiritual and worldly matters.
Certainty: 1 Alexios granted paroikoi to the bishop of Diabolis, but they were forced to flee. Fleeing the abuse of government officials, the bishop and clergy of Diabolis, and the paroikoi granted by Alexios I to the see, sought refuge in the woods
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos explained to Nikephoros the chartophylax his refusal to let a cantor stay at Ohrid. Theophylaktos of Ohrid had been most impressed by the cantor Gregorios, both his musical abilities and his good character, and would like to keep him in his church. However he sent him back to his monastery to get the permission of his hegoumenos and his charistikarios (adminstrator) to leave. Gregorios wrote that his charistikarios needed him both as deacon and cantor and would not grant him permission. This prompted Theophylaktos to write to Nikephoros the chartophylax to explain the situation, and ask whether the written permission of the hegoumenos might suffice
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos accused Niketas ho ton Serron of economy with the truth. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Niketas wondering whether he was lying. [The accusation of lying, in an otherwise friendly letter, suggests that the lie is e.g. excessive praise of Thephylaktos.]
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote a veiled letter to Nikolaos, metropolitan of Kerkyra, on common enemies. Nikolaos, metropolitan of Kerkyra, wrote to Theophylaktos of Ohrid, who replied with a veiled letter. This referred to (unspecified) difficulties and problems caused by some (un-named) bishops, their common opponents
Certainty: 3 Will of Symbatios Pakourianos copied by scribe Georgios Kaloskepastos. The will made by Symbatios Pakourianos in 1090 was copied by Georgios Kaloskepastos, sealed by the chartophylax Agallianos, and deposited in the church of Theotokos en to Phoro (Constantinople) by the scribe in the presence of Georgios Nikaeus
Certainty: 3 Kale, widow of Symbatios Pakourianos, became the executor of his will. At the death of of Symbatios Pakourianos, his widow Kale bcame a nun and changed her name to Maria. She sent Stephanos the koitonites, a member of her household, to the sekreton on her behalf with a declaration (which she signed) for Georgios Nikaeus, the krites of the velon and koiaistor, and his staff. With this she accepted to be the executor of the will of her late husband, who left her as epitropos of his entire estate. She opened the will in the koiaistor's presence, and he validated it. She followed her husband's wishes, in dividing much of his property between herself and his brother. She then distributed other bequests among the legatees of her husband, both free and manumitted, kept their receipts, and also respected his wish to be buried at Iveron. She paid seven pounds of gold in specified currency to the monks
Certainty: 3 Birth of Isaakios (son of Alexios I). Isaakios Komnenos (son of Alexios I) was born on Sunday 16 January
Certainty: 3 Christodoulos of Patmos completed & signed his testament at Euripos. Christodoulos' testament covered the possessions on Patmos, Leipsos and Leros donated to him by chrysobull. His preference was for Arsenios Skenoures to be his successor, with Theodosios, chartoularios and patriarchal notarios as his deputy. But if Aresnios did not come, then Theodosios was to be tonsured and become the monastery's director. Christodoulos bequeathed to the monastery four ships (mentioning their current contracts), four icons and his complete collection of books, with his catalogue of them. Theodosios was given the catalogue of books and the job of managing the ships. Christodoulos listed the ten monks remaining in the monastery and mentioned several other persons he directed to join it, including some children raised there, if they proved suitable. He allowed for the return of three fugutive monks, and others who had fled under Turkish attack, excluded three other persons from the monastery, leaving them only his blessing, and bequeathed a sum of money to one other. He gave instructions for the monastery to remain independent. He invoked God's curse on anybody who broke the stipulations of the testament, dictated and read through the document and signed it at the beginning and end. He listed seven witnesses who had also signed the testament and attached their seals: Leon, priest and sakellarios of Euripos, Ioannes, priest and notary of see of Euripos, Photios, deacon and protekdikos, a priest from the see of Euripos, Michael from the see of Euripos, Basileios, a deacon and notary of Euripos and one anonymous witness
Certainty: 3 Testament of Christodoulos of Patmos: alternative inheritances. Christodoulos of Patmos stipulated in his testament that, if Arsenios Skenoures came to the monastery and was ready and willing, he should direct it until his death as Christodoulos' successor, with complete authority and right of dominion over it and its possessions, in accordance with the chrysobull. In that case, Theodosios the chartoularios and patriarchal notarios would be tonsured and become second brother. But if Arsenios did not accept or if he died, Theodosios should in the same way become the director of the monastery with full, unconditional authority, as received by Christodoulos from Alexios I. The one exception is that he should not have the right to introduce his relatives into the monastery. Theodosios must be tonsured and choose a senior monk as his spiritual instructor. Some of Christodoulos' arrangements for the future of the monastic community were explicitly to apply to both possible directors. Others are expressed only in terms of Theodosios, especially control of the books and ships, the enforcement of exclusions which Christodoulos made, the avoidance of opposing factions among the monks and the ban on subordinating Patmos to any other monastery, thus ensuring its independence. [Does this show, perhaps, that Christodoulos did not expect Arsenios to accept his offer, or that he felt that these provisions should be specially stressed in the case of Theodosios?]
Certainty: 3 Testament of Christodoulos: the future body of monks. Christodoulos listed the surviving monks on Patmos as Neophytos, Ioannes, Sabas, Stephanos, Iakobos, Niketas, Ioannikios and Ioannes Kastellites. He stipulated that Georgios, the priest and notary of Euripos, who had written Christodoulos' testament, together with his two sons, should be accepted as brothers without let or hindrance, in submission to the other monks, and likewise the children raised in the monastery, if they proved stalwart and good workers. These stipulations should apply, whoever was the charistikarios. Three runaways, Kyrillos, Loukas and Zoilos, if they returned and repented, should be accepted in their proper place, but neither they nor any others should be allowed to stand in the way of Theodosios the chartoularios and patriarchal notarios and his plans. Any monks who had fled during the Turkish attack, if they returned in submission with generous love and faith, should also be accepted. But three persons were excluded utterly from the fold: Epiphanios and Ioannes, Christodoulos' nephews, and Theophanes, the assistant steward of Stoudios, should never have any power to go to law or plead against Theodosios or the interests of the monastery. Christodoulos left them only his blessing
Certainty: 3 A codicil was added to the testament of of Christodoulos of Patmos. Christodoulos of Patmos added a codicil to the testament he had written and signed at Euripos. Much of the codicil discusses a request sent to Alexios I to return the estates on Kos which were the basis of an attempt to found a monastery before Patmos, in the hope that they could be of use to monks. Much of the rest puts pressure on his designated successor, Theodosios, to carry out at once his promises to be tonsured and retire from the world. Christodoulos wanted his body to rest in his monastery, whether that turned out to be on Kos or on Patmos
Certainty: 3 Codicil of Christodoulos: monastic property on Kos.
Certainty: 2 Bolkan, ruler of Dalmatia, crossed the frontier & raided as far as Lipenion. Two years after the destruction of the Pechenegs, Bolkan, ruler of Dalmatia, left his own borders and began to ravage those of his neighbours, both towns and countryside. He seized Lipenion, at the foot of the Zygos range, set fire to it and burned it
Certainty: 2 Tutush set out to claim sultanate, stopping at Antioch & Aleppo.
Certainty: 2 Ibrahim attacked Mosul while Tutush attacked Nisibis; they clashed near Edessa.
Certainty: 2 Tutush continued toward Persia to challenge Barkiyaruq.
Certainty: 1 Abul-Kasim built a fleet at Kios; Manuel Boutoumites attacked by sea & Tatikios by land to destroy it. Abul-Kasim, despite the setbacks he had faced, wanted to rule Byzantium, or at least its coasts and islands. So he began to build a fleet at Kios on the Bithynian coast, making good progress, but provoking reaction from Alexios. He sent Manuel Boutoumites by sea with all available ships to burn the Turkish fleet, in whatever state he found it, whilst Tatikios attacked by land with a considerable force
Certainty: 1 Abul-Kasim moved to Kyparission, but was defeated & his ships burned by Byzantine attackers. He saw his half-built fleet under attack by land and sea, and also that the place where it was being built was not easily defensible. He therefore moved the project to a place called Halykai or Kyparission. Manuel Boutoumites quickly reached the ships and immediately burned them; this success was followed up by Tatikios. The latter arrived in the area by land the day after Boutoumites, and waged was for a fortnight, sometimes in skirmishes, sometimes with pitched battles. But the enemy were gaining strength because the terrain did not favour the tactics of the Byzantine force. He was pestered by his Keltish troops to allow them to attack on their own. He was reluctant, because the terrain made this risky, but at last consented, because enemy numbers were increasing daily. The Latin attack took place at dawn and was a great success, killing and capturing many and routing the rest. Abul-Kasim only just escaped back to Nicaea, and booty was plentiful
Certainty: 1 Alexios I wrote to Abul-Kasim offering terms & a visit to the capital; he agreed, fearing Borsuk. Learning of Tatikios' defeat of Abul-Kasim, as a master of psychological warfare he wrote to the latter urging him to stop vain attempts at fighting and make peace. On receiving the letter, Abul-Kasim thought of Borsuk, who was reducing other Turkish rebel strongholds and would soon arrive at Nicaea: he made a virtue of necessity and chose peace. Alexios, so as to exploit his victory to the maximum, invited Abul-Kasim to visit Constantinople, to receive money and honours and take his pleasure before returning home
Certainty: 1 While Abul-Kasim was entertained in Constantinople, the admiral Eustathios secretly built Kibotos. Having invited Abul-Kasim to visit Constantinople in friendship, Alexios used the man's absence from Bithynia to have a fortification built to counter the Turkish capture of Nikomedeia. The emperor put Eustathios Kymineianos, the droungarios of the fleet, in charge of building the fortification, making him aware of the secret and sending all the necessary materials and builders to him in merchant ships. Eustathios was to treat passing Turks most kindly and claim that Abul-Kasim knew of the work. Alexios also banned all shipping from the Bithynian coast. Meanwhile, to prevent Abul-Kasim from discovering the truth, he entertained him lavishly. He received money daily, enjoyed baths, riding, tourism of sculptures, a race-meeting and daily parades in the hippodrome; finally he had more gifts, confirmation of treaties and was made sebastos. When Abul-Kasim finally found out about the building of the secret fortification, he was furious, but pretended that he had not heard of it and said nothing at all
Certainty: 1 Land owned by Lavra measured by anagrapheus Gregorios Xeros. Alexios I ordered the anagrapheus Gregorios Xeros to measure the properties of Lavra, and the anagrapheus prepared a new praktikon when he found out that they exceeded by 11,000 modioi the amount of land for which the monastery was charged by the fisc
Certainty: 1 8,000 modioi of land granted by Alexios I to Lavra. Alexios I ordered the anagrapheus Gregorios Xeros to proceed with the handover of 8,000 modioi of land to Lavra, as a consession to the monastery whose properties exceeded by 11,000 modioi the land on which it paid taxes
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid denounced Nikolaos ho tou Boutou for vexatious litigation. In a court case before Ioannes Doukas, the brother of Eirene Doukaina, Nikolaos ho tou Boutou had been found guilty of harming the farmer Michael Beses Lampenos, somehow exploiting the cupidity of a member of the Makrembolites family. However Nikolaos ignored the decision and continued to harass Michael, dragging him before tribunals during the season of work in the fields. Theophylaktos of Ohrid in a letter asked Ioannes Komnenos, the son of the sebastokrator to punish Nikolaos for this conduct
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid complained that the situation of the Pologoi priests was no better. Theophylaktos of Ohrid complained again about the tax affairs of the priests of Pologoi. His previous letter had secured a pittakion from Ioannes Komnenos, son of the sebastokrator, exempting them from taxes and reimbursing previous payments, which had been sent to the ek prosopou. But this had had no effect: the priests were still forced to keep guard and supply provisions. Theophylaktos asked Ioannes to take measures to rectify the situation
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid advised the bishop of Pelagonia how to react to local developments. Theophylaktos had learned of momentous changes in local government (probably in Ohrid, though they would also affect Pelagonia). The strategos had been replaced by the noble Michael, son of Polyeuktos, and an official of high status called Eumathios would investigate the record of the ex-strategos. [Eumathios is not a common name, known mainly in the Makrembolites and Philokales families: this is quite likely to be an Eumathios Makrembolites.] In this fluid situation, Theophylaktos wrote to the bishop of Pelagonia, asking him to advise and assist the Kritopouloi, officials from the same family, especially Demetrios Kritopoulos, whose conduct in office had made many enemies. The episkeptitai at Pelagonia would also need his guidance
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos told the bishop of Triaditza to attend a synod to discuss an old monk's complaints. The bishop of Triaditza had expelled an elderly monk who owned a monastery in his see, driven him out of the area and forbidden him to celebrate the liturgy. The monk went to Ohrid and appealed to Theophylaktos: since the bishop of Triaditza was at Ohrid at the time, Theophylaktos asked him to treat the monk generously, and secured a promise to that effect. This brought no change in the situation, since he reneged on the promise. The disappointed monk decided to take his plea to the emperor himself, and won a decree that he be given back his monastery. But this too had little effect. Now the monk arrived at Prespa just as a synod was beginning, and dramatically stated his problem, winning the synod's sympathy. Theophylaktos wrote to the bishop, repeating his demand that the monk be reinstated, and summoning him to the synod to justify his actions and discuss the decision over the bishop of Lipenion. He mentioned the possibility of firm sanctions
Certainty: 1 The synod too wrote to demand the presence of the bishop of Triaditza to defend his actions. The bishop of Triaditza had written to Theophylaktos, informing him of the conversion of siome Armenians, at which Theophylaktos and the synod rejoiced. But the use of this as an excuse for non-attendance at the synod - as he had to accompany the Armenians to the capital, while he was also expecting the anagrapheus of the theme - caused him to be reprimanded. His excuses were brushed aside, and he was instructed again under threat of suspension to apper before the synod within 15 days of receiving the letter. The subjects to be discussed were the decision concerning the bishop of Lipenion, the vacant sees, and the affair of the elderly monk of the monastery of Hagios Ioannes
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos sent personal advice to the bishop of Triaditza on his dangerous position. Theophylaktos in a personal letter advised the bishop of Triaditza to have somebody else read through with him the letter sent by the synod, for the consequences could be serious if he ignored it. His refusal to attend the synod and his insolence towards his clerical bretheren (for example, accusing Theophylaktos of encouraging bribery of imperial officials against him) were extremely reprehensible
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid encouraged Ioannes Komnenos to restore the bishopric of Diabolis. Theophylaktos congratulated Ioannes Komnenos, son of the sebastokrator, for reviving the bishoprics of Prespa and Diabolis, showing a spirit of correctness and justice against those who wronged them. He asked Ioannes to take a further step, to offer a sigillion for the paroikoi of Diabolis, so that they might return from the forests where they had taken refuge from government exactions. Theophylaktos had visited Diabolis, found its church in a lamentable state, deserted by its bishop and clergy as a result of abuse by government officials
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid thanked the bishop of Kitros for a fragrant present. Theophylaktos of Ohrid received a gift of 2 glass flasks of rose water and 4 sticks of fragrant wood (cinnamon?) from the bishop of Kitros, whom he thanked in a letter
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos asked Ioannes Komnenos to demand less troops in Ohrid because of its tiny size. Theophylaktos of Ohrid went with two fellow-envoys to Ioannes Komnenos, son of the sebastokrator, asking in a letter for a decrease in the number of troops drafted in Ohrid. The burden, he said, was too heavy for such a small theme, short of resources and sparsely populated
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid advised bishop Diabologyres about Armenian converts. Diabologyres, bishop of an unknown see, had announced to Theophylaktos that he had converted many Armenians, and also sent his last horse for the church of Ohrid. Theophylaktos thanked him for the horse, but advised caution over the Armenians. The bishop should rededicate their churches, reordain their priests, examine their liturgy, and celebrate it if it was not much different from that of (St John) Chrysostom. He offered to copy out the service for reception of Armenian converts, if Diabologyres did not possess it
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Nikolaos Mermentoulos on the pleasure of exchanging letters. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Nikolaos Mermentoulos (addressed as Mermentopoulos), expressing his pleasure at writing to and receiving letters from him
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote, probably to Ioannes Komnenos, about imperial confiscations from his church. [The manuscript makes Ioannes Komnenos the addressee, but a reference to the Doukas family may date the letter earlier and direct it to Ioannes Doukas, predecessor of Komnenos.] Theophylaktos did not wish to dispute the confiscation by Alexios I of a village which belonged to the Church (when many such confiscations were being made). But he pleaded with the doux in a letter to mediate over a house and a farm in that village
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid recommended Psellos' grandson to Gregorios Kamateros. Theophylaktos of Ohrid felt a great debt of gratitude to the late Michael Psellos. This could be repaid in part to the latter's grandson, who had fallen on hard times. Theophylaktos sent the grandson himself, with this letter, to Gregorios Kamateros (addressed as Kamateropoulos), asking Gregorios to find him a job
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos spoke of his brother Demetrios to Demetrios' teacher, Theodoros Smyrnaios. Demetrios Hephaistos, brother of Theophylaktos of Ohrid, was being educated in philosophy by Theodoros Smyrnaios. Theophylaktos wrote to Theodoros, encouraging him to continue the teaching with favoured treatment, just as Theodoros would have wanted for his own brother Paulos, when he was being taught by Theophylaktos himself
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos told Nikolaos Mermentoulos to read all kinds of pagan & Christian literature. Theophylaktos of Ohrid had his books seized by greedy praktores, and found himself in such a dire situation that he feared forgetting the Greek language. He wrote to Mermentoulos, urging him to read philosophy, the Iliad, tragedy, comedy, but also the Bible and Fathers, and to pray with him lest he forget his Greek
Certainty: 2 Theophylaktos after a long journey told Nikephoros the chartophylax of the problems of a monastery. Theophylaktos of Ohrid replied to a letter of Nikephoros the chartophylax, speaking of a long journey he had just made to a military camp. He expressed dismay (as had Nikephoros) about the anarchy prevailing at the monastery of the Hagioserritai (Hagiosoritai?), but could not think of a candidate, internal or external, able to solve the situation as hegoumenos
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos praised the military deeds of Gregorios Taronites & hoped for more. Theophylaktos of Ohrid, who had been going through a bad time, had not written to Gregorios. Now he gave him high praise in a letter, asked for a reply, listed achievements he expected from his correspondent and hoped they would be fulfilled
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos asked Theodoulos, metropolitan of Thessalonike, to pray against the devil. Theophylaktos of Ohrid spoke of the power of communication and prayer in bad times. He requested that Theodoulos pray against Amalek [the devil, or possibly Bohemond?]
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote to Nikolaos, metropolitan of Kerkyra on his problems & a visit to Alexios I. Theophylaktos of Ohrid rejoiced at a letter from Nikolaos, metropolitan of Kerkyra. In his reply, he referred to Senachereim the Assyrian, an official with whom he had had problems, and a second Senachereim, even worse than the first, who had turned against the church and Theophylaktos himself. He complained too about a bishop (of Triaditza?) who had turned against him. He would also be compelled to undertake a journey to visit Alexios I at his camp
Certainty: 0 Death of Maria-Xene of Bulgaria. Maria-Xene of Bulgaria died on November 21 of an unknown year
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent two letters, & possibly a third, to Katakalon Tarchaneiotes. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to a Tarchaneiotes, almost certainly Katakalon, with a sense of embarassment at advising one who is older and grander. One letter discusses attitudes to wealth, a second sees Theophylaktos investing a small coin with his correspondent, as in the parable of the talents. A third, later, letter, with little content, is ascribed to Tarchaneiotes by little more than guesswork; but its manuscript attribution, to Theophylaktos Romaios, is even less likely
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I prohibiting further measuring of Lavra lands. After major recent changes to the tax regime of Lavra, the monks asked Alexios I to prohibit any further measuring of the monastery's properties. They should remain as measured by Niketas Xiphilinos (1089) and Gregorios Xeros (1092?). Alexios issued a chrysobull to that effect
Certainty: 2 Nikephoros Diogenes began to plot fairly openly against Alexios I. Nikephoros Diogenes began to plot in earnest to recover the imperial rank he had lost, and spoke to some of his colleagues. As a result, his intrigues became quite widely known - to Alexios, among others
Certainty: 3 Alexios planned a full-scale campaign against Chaka, appointing Ioannes Doukas as megas doux. According to reports reaching Alexios, Chaka wore imperial insignia and treated Smyrna like an imperial city. His fleet was being prepared to devastate the islands again and reach Constantinople itself. Alexios realised that this behaviour demanded constant vigilance and effort for the rest of the year. He must drive Chaka out of Smyrna and all his other conquests. He therefore appointed Ioannes Doukas (recently recalled from Dyrrachion) as megas doux of the fleet, but gave him picked land troops. Konstantinos Dalassenos was to be the naval commander. They should arrive at Mitylene at the same time for combined operations
Certainty: 3 Alexios went to Philippoupolis to deal with a Dalmatian threat, then a rumoured Cuman invasion. Alexios heard simultaneous rumours of invasions by the Cumans and by Konstantinos Bodin with the Dalmatians, who was breaking treaties; after some indecision which to face first, he decided to go to Philippoupolis against Bodin
Certainty: 3 Alexios dealt with charges of plotting against his nephew Ioannes, which split the imperial family. Theophylaktos, archbishop of Ohrid, sent a letter to Alexios at Philippopolis, claiming that Ioannes, son of the sebastokrator Isaakios, was planning insurrection as doux of Dyrrachion. The allegation greatly disturbed Alexios. He agonised over the charge because it would grieve Isaakios, but also since as very young (and thus impulsive), Ioannes might be guilty: Alexios decided to take preventive action. He called Argyros Karatzas and gave him two letters for Ioannes at Dyrrachion: the first summoned Ioannes to Philippopolis on a pretext over a possible attack by Bolkanos. The second letter should only be delivered if Ioannes did not respond to the first. It was addressed to the chief men of Dyrrachion, using the same pretext to recall Ioannes and replace him with Argyros. If Ioannes obeyed the summons of the first letter, Argyros should take temporary charge of Dyrrachion till he returned; if not, Argyros should use the second letter to gain local help to arrest Ioannes and take over as doux. Isaakios, having heard in the capital that Ioannes was accused of plotting rebellion, travelled in two days to Philippopolis to intervene on his behalf, after sending a note to Ioannes to join him there. At Philippopolis he entered the imperial tent without waking Alexios and went to sleep himself. When both brothers awoke, Isaakios said little, waiting for Ioannes' arrival. Alexios, realising Isaakios' anger, decided on a family conference in his tent, at which Isaakios accused their younger brother Adrianos of lying. He threatened to pull out Adrianos' beard when he and Nikephoros Melissenos persisted in accusations against Ioannes. Then Ioannes himself came, summoned separately by both Alexios and Isaakios. Alexios (for Isaakios' sake) banned all discussion of the charges and sent Ioannes back to Dyrrachion free of suspicion. Isaakios returned to the capital to report to Anna Dalassene
Certainty: 3 From Philippoupolis, Alexios reconnoitred the Zygon range on the border of Dalmatia, restoring defences. Alexios left Philippopolis and examined the whole ridge of Zygon, the border with Dalmatia, blocking invasion routes. He travelled on foot, as it was very rugged territory. At appropriate points he ordered trenches, wooden towers, brick or stone forts, or barriers of felled trees. After a very exhausting journey, he returned to the capital
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote to Gregorios Kamateros after a bad tax experience, promising to visit him. Theophylaktos of Ohrid complained to Gregorios Kamateros of an experience in the taxation of his village of Ekklesiai which he likened to murder, with literary references; the perpetrator was a eunuch praktor. He asked Kamateros for a letter to intervene in the assessment, and promised to pay him a visit after attending the synod of Hagios Achilleios (at Prespa), which he could not miss
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid welcomed Nikolaos Anemas to his new post in Bulgaria. Theophylaktos of Ohrid joyfully welcomed Nikolaos Anemas to a new post in Bulgaria: he plainly either new him or recognised a kindred spirit. He asked Anemas (a young man) to assist Konstantinos Choirosphaktes (a seasoned governor), in case the latter's simplicity leads to incompetence: this may well be a joke
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid used fanciful means to encourage Nikolaos Mermentoulos to write to him. Theopylaktos of Ohrid wrote an elegant letter to Nikolaos Mermentoulos. Its content and tone were purely fanciful, trying to persuade Nikolaos to write to him
Certainty: 2 Alexios led an army against the Serbs, intending to defeat Bolkan & rebuild Lipenion. Hearing that Bolkan had burned Lipenion, he gathered enough troops and rode straight there. If he were victorious against Bolkan, he planned to restore the Lipenion district to its former state
Certainty: 2 Bolkan sent ambassadors to Alexios at Skopia, blaming Byzantine governors for raids on Serbia. From another border town, Sphentzanion, Bolkan sent envoys to Alexios at Skopia. He refused to accept any guilt over border problems, blaming the expansionist ambitions of the Byzantine governors. He added peace proposals, which were accepted
Certainty: 2 Alexios accepted peace proposals & returned to the capital, leaving men to complete the details. Alexios accepted Bolkan's peace proposals - promises to avoid aggression and send hostages. The emperor left men to rebuild local towns and receive the hostages, and returned to the capital
Certainty: 2 Alexios made every attempt to win over Nikephoros Diogenes, but his plots persisted. Once Nikephoros Diogenes began serious plotting, Alexios reacted unexpectedly: the more earnest the plotting, the more generous his attitude to the plotters. Nikephoros spread infection to all. He was already popular with the soldiers, so he worked on their commanders and the senators, whom he won over with oaths and promises. He continued to make new conquests in his quest for power, even gaining the adherence of Michael Taronites, husband of Alexios' sister
Certainty: 2 Barkiyaruq appointed Ismail commander in chief; Ismail killed by Buzan & Aksungur.
Certainty: 2 T'oros was appointed commander of Edessa by Tutush.
Certainty: 2 Bolkan sent no hostages & invaded again; Alexios vainly reminded him of their agreement. Despite demands Bolan sent no hostages, using delaying tactics, and before the year was out he invaded Byzantine lands again. Various documents sent by Alexios recalling their agreements had no effect
Certainty: 2 Ioannes, son of the sebastokrator, was sent against Bolkan, who played for time, planning an attack. Alexios sent Ioannes, son of his brother Issakios, with an adequate force to deal with Bolkan, who was showing aggression and playing for time. Ioannes eagerly crossed the river at Lipenion and camped opposite Sphentzanion. Bolkan reacted to Ioannes' approach by asking about peace and repeating old promises about hostages and keeping the terms of his treaty. This talk camouflaged the preparation of a secret attack. A monk came to Ioannes to tell him that Bolkan was about to attack. Ioannes angrily dismissed him, calling him a liar and deceiver; but the monk was justified by events
Certainty: 2 Bolkan's sudden attack decimated Ioannes' army, forcing withdrawal; Bolkan plundered unhindered. Bolkan made a sudden attack at night on Ioannes, son of the sebastokrator, killing many troops in their tents and drowning many others in the nearby river as they fled. Ioannes' own tent became the only focus of resistance. Bolkan positioned himself at Sphentzanion, now too strong for Ioannes, who had lost most of his troops in the night attack. Ioannes crossed the river again, then returned to the capital, leaving Bolkan to plunder unhindered. He raided up to Skopje, Pologos and Branea, meeting no resistance, then went home with his booty
Certainty: 3 Alexios issued a lysis in response to a report on the ownership of monastic property. In response to a report (hypomnesis) submitted by holders of monastic property, he issued an imperial lysis, annulling relevant imperial decrees, providing this was in accordance with the laws and canons
Certainty: 3 Alexios, en route to deal with Bolkan & rebuild the area, reached Daphnoution & awaited his relatives. When Alexios heard of the defeat of Ioannes, son of the sebastokrator, he began a swift campaign to rebuild ruined castles and exact reprisals on Bolkanos; but he stopped at Daphnoution (near the capital), waiting for family members. Nikephoros Diogenes, son of Romanos IV, soon joined Alexios, in his usual mixture of moods. He pitched his tent not in the usual spot but close to the slope leading up to Alexios' tent. Manuel Philokales saw the position of Diogenes' tent, was astounded and said that he feared some attempt against Alexios in the night. He would try to persuade him to move the tent
Certainty: 3 Alexios ignored warnings of assassination; Nikephoros Diogenes did enter his tent but was deterred. Alexios told Manuel Philokales not to get involved in stopping the plans of Nikephoros Diogenes. When Manuel insisted, Alexios told him to give Nikephoros no possible excuse to attack him (Alexios). Philokales angrily said Alexios was soft in the head. A night or two later, Nikephoros did enter the open and unguarded tent where Alexios and Eirene Doukaina were sleeping peacefully. He had a concealed sword to assassinate the emperor, but was put off when he saw the girl who fanned them and kept off the mosquitoes; he postponed his attempt
Certainty: 3 Nikephoros again failed to murder Alexios on Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos' estate near Serres. Alexios knew of the murderous plans of Nikephoros Diogenes (the bedroom attendant reported what happened in the night) but pretended ignorance, trying to ensure his safety whilst giving Nikephoros no excuse for enmity. When the imperial party reached Serres, Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos, who was one of the company, invited Alexios to his beautiful estate of Pentegostis, insisting he stay a second day to bathe, feast and relax; Alexios accepted. When Alexios had bathed and left the bathhouse, Nikephoros arrived planning murder, wearing a sword, as if from hunting. But Tatikios stopped the murder by asking why Nikephoros came armed, impolitely at an inappropriate time of day; Nikephoros realised that Tatikios understood his purpose, and left
Certainty: 3 Nikephoros Diogenes fled to an estate of Maria of Alania; Alexios left Konstantinos at Pentegostis. Nikephoros Diogenes saw his plans were known, so he escaped to one of the two estates of the empress Maria of Alania at Christoupolis, to improve his situation. Maria favoured him as step-brother of her first husband Michael VII. Alexios stayed two days at Pentegostis, the estate of Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos. He left the delicate Konstantinos there, as it was his first campaign and he was very dear to Alexios as well as to the empress Maria
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos told Nikolaos Anemas that he too felt barbarised in Bulgaria. Nikolaos had written to Theophylaktos that he feared becoming a barbarian among the Bulgarians. Theophylaktos replied that after many years he felt the same. He sent Nikolaos a work of Chrysostom
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos asked Chrysoberges, metropolitan of Naupaktos, to be kind to his brother, Nikolaos. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Chrysoberges, metropolitan of Naupaktos, promising to visit him when he was in the area of Kanina. At the same time he gave some embarrassed advice to the metropolitan to be more kindly in his treatment of his brother Nikolaos
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos sent a pastoral letter on preaching to the bishop of Pelagonia. Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent a pastoral letter on preaching to the bishop of Pelagonia. In it, after speaking of the miracle of the letter, he urged the preaching of the word, based on a sensitive reading of the scriptures
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos sent a letter to kyr Symeon, hegoumenos of the monastery of Anaplous. The old hegoumenos of the monastery of Anaplous had become a recluse, causing Theophylaktos of Ohrid considerable concern about the future of the monastery. Now his successor, Symeon, sent Theophylaktos the news that he had died. Theophylaktos was able to use the same monk who had brought the letter to convey his reply: he was relieved at the news, told Symeon something of his own problems and asked for the prayers of his monks
Certainty: 3 Three-month siege of Mitylene ended in Byzantine victory; Chaka sued for peace. Ioannes Doukas went to Mitylene, built wooden towers to serve as bases and began to attack the barbarians under Chaka's nephew Galabatzes, who was in charge of the garrison. Galabatzes had been given inadequate forces, so that Chaka himself soon had to take over. Ioannes carried out assaults continuously and energetically for three months with no progress in capturing the town. One of his soldiers visiting the capital was asked by Alexios about the attacks: he replied that Ioannes always attacked Mitylene at dawn, with the sun in his eyes. Alexios sent back a letter telling Ioannes to attack after midday, with the sun behind him. Ioannes (as always) followed Alexios's advice, and with the sun (and a fortuitous dust-storm) in the Turks' eyes, he won a splendid victory, making Chaka treat for peace
Certainty: 2 Peace terms: Chaka to go free if the Mitylenians were left unharmed; but Chaka abducted them. Ioannes Doukas agreed terms to allow Chaka to leave unmolested for Smyrna: no Mitylenians should be removed or harmed. As hostages he exchanged two Turkish leaders for Alexandros Euphorbenos and Manuel Boutoumites. However, despite the terms, Chaka abducted the Mitylenians, men, women and children, trying to take them to Smyrna. Konstantinos Dalassenos saw that Chaka was breaking the peace by abducting them, and wanted to attack him. But Ioannes Doukas hesitated to allow this, having sworn Chaka could leave unharmed. Konstantinos insisted that while Ioannes had sworn, he, Konstantinos, had not, being absent. Thus Konstantinos might attack Chaka despite Ioannes' oaths, and punish the wrong-doer. Ioannes changed his mind and decided to attack
Certainty: 2 Konstantinos Dalassenos & Ioannes Doukas defeated Chaka, who escaped to Smyrna. As Chaka cast off and made straight for Smyrna, Konstantinos Dalassenos attacked and defeated his ships, urging that they be destroyed with their sailors and rowers. Meanwhile Ioannes Doukas seized the ships which were still leaving and freed the Mitylenian prisoners. Chaka would have been captured himself, had he not foreseen events and craftily escaped on a lighter ship; he had Turks waiting on a headland ready to provide refuge if he failed to reach Smyrna in safety
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Doukas freed Samos & other islands from Chaka, then returned to the capital. After the victory of Ioannes Doukas and Konstantinos Dalassenos, Chaka escaped to Smyrna. The two Byzantine generals met up at Mitylene which they refortified. Ioannes then detached a squadron of the fleet to continue operations. They sailed to reconquer Chaka's holdings in the Aegean, which were considerable, storming Samos and other islands. Ioannes then returned to the capital
Certainty: 3 Alexios sent Ioannes Doukas against Karykes in Crete & Rapsomates in Cyprus. Alexios heard that Karykes in Crete and Rapsomates in Cyprus had revolted. He sent Ioannes Doukas with a large fleet against them
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid replied querulously to a letter from Gregorios Kamateros. Theophlaktos of Ohrid received a letter from Gregorios Kamateros in connection with the chorion of Ekklesiai. He replied querulously that Gregorios should have written this letter earlier. He also assured him that he had not attempted to prevent him from referring the question of Ekklesiai to the emperor
Certainty: 1 Theophlaktos wrote to bishop Niketas Polites about the problems of the bishop of Glavenitsa. The bishop of Glavenitsa was in a dispirited state, and had visited Theophylaktos at Ohrid. The latter encouraged him, and suggested that he visit a neighbouring bishop Niketas Polites, to ask for help over the affair of Koprinista, his great difficulty. Theophylaktos now wrote to bishop Niketas to receive him cordially, and do all he could to assist him
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos sent affectionate farewells to Nikolaos Anemas, leaving (unexpectedly?) for home. Theophlaktos of Ohrid wrote affectionately to Nikolaos Anemas as he left Bulgaria for home (Constantinople?). There are indications that the departure may have been unexpected
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos of Ohrid complained that he received no direct news from Theophylaktos Romaios. Theophylaktos Romaios, who had probably been a student of Theophylaktos of Ohrid, sent news of his activities to a certain Ioannes, who was a correspondent of his old teacher and passed the information on. However Theophylaktos of Ohrid, despite this secondary channel of information, still wished to hear from his old student directly
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote to Machetares about friendship, letters & problems of barbarism. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote eloquently to Machetares about letters and friendship, asked for a letter from his correrespondent and complained about the barbarism of Bulgaria
Certainty: 3 Nikephoros Diogenes failed to borrow a horse, did not flee, was arrested & questioned. Alexios, on discovering Nikephoros Diogenes' plot, reviewed his own past kindnesses, the attempts made against his life and the danger he ran, and decided he had to arrest the man. Nikephoros had not fled, because he asked Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos for a fast horse which the latter had received from the emperor that same day, and Konstantinos, refused, as it was too soon to pass the gift on. Alexios asked his brother Adrianos to take Nikephoros to his tent and gently try to draw out a full confession, offering an amnesty, provided Nikephoros named all the conspirators. Adrianos tried promises, reminders of their family relationships and shared experience of Alexios' clemency. He told Nikephoros the story of a man of Armenian and Turkish background who tried to assassinate Alexios. He waited on the polo field in the Great Palace to kill him during a break in play; but at the key moment he was physically incapable of drawing his sword. He thus understood Alexios was under divine protection, and was arrested for attempted murder. However Alexios calmly pardoned and rewarded him, despite the protests of his guards. This story, besides stressing imperial clemency, may also have hinted at rumours implicating Nikephoros in this other attempt to murder Alexios. Despite all his efforts, promises and stories, Adrianos could learn nothing from Nikephoros of the details of the conspiracy
Certainty: 3 Mouzakes elicited a confession from Nikephoros Diogenes, naming conspirators with some evidence. After Adrianos failed to gain information from Nikephoros Diogenes, Alexios told Mouzakes to take over gentle questioning of the prisoner. Mouzakes, becoming frustrated by his defiance, later disobeyed and began torture, and at once gained a full confession. Gregorios Kamateros, a newly-appointed secretary of Alexios, was summoned to take it down. The confession even admitted murder. With letters found by Mouzakes, it implicated many people, including Maria of Alania, who knew of his revolt whilst strenuously trying to prevent him from committing murder. In the morning Alexios received from Mouzakes the written confession of Diogenes, with letters implicating more prominent people than expected. This left him in a serious quandry. He first hushed up the involvement of Maria of Alania, for whom he had long felt great affection. Indeed it was (falsely) announced that the conspiracy was brought to light by her son Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos. Zonaras preserves a different story by which Nikephoros fled with a band of Cumans to fortresses in Thrace, where he was deceived by the commander of one of them and blinded there. The Cumans then dispersed
Certainty: 3 Alexios was in danger, seeing how few his supporters were; he punished only a few ringleaders. Alexios wondered what to do: the army greatly admired Nikephoros Diogenes, so he did not have the strength to arrest all the known conspirators, nor the stomach to subject them all to mutilation. He decided to punish only the ringleaders with confiscation and exile: Diogenes himself and Kekaumenos Katakalon were sent to prison in Kaisaropolis, Michael Taronites (and others - lacuna) were also exiled. Apart from these, he thought it safest not even to investigate the conspirators, and exile meant only confinement to their own areas. His allies were furious at his leniency
Certainty: 3 Alexios announced clemency at a public meeting; but his men blinded the ringleaders. Alexios called a formal meeting, beginning with close relatives and family retainers, then admitting those of doubtful loyalty. The scene was impressive but tense, and he looked worried. Tatikios was guarding the door of the tent. So as to undermine the plotters' morale, Alexios' men systematically circulated a rumour that Nikephoros Diogenes and some close associates had been blinded. Alexios as yet knew nothing of this. He spoke, telling the history of his links with Nikephoros and Leon Diogenes, stressing his own generosity and Nikephoros' ingratitude. He then offered a general amnesty for all but the ringleaders. He was first heard in terrified silence, then there were shouts for him and against the conspirators
Certainty: 3 Alexios at Lipenion made Bolkan sue for peace & give the promised twenty hostages. Alexios was undismayed by the plot of Nikephoros Diogenes, and advanced to Lipenion, overawing Bolkan of Dalmatia, making him sue for peace and finally give the promised 20 hostages for good behaviour. They were distinguished men, including Ouresis and Stephanos Bolkan, two of his nephews
Certainty: 3 Nikephoros Diogenes & Kekaumenos Katakalon blinded. While Alexios at a public meeting announced clemency, others sent and blinded Nikephoros and Kekaumenos: this punishment, beginning as a rumour spread by Alexios' men, later somehow became a reality. Even Anna Komnene the historian, decades later, could not say conclusively whether Alexios was involved
Certainty: 2 Konstantinos Dalassenos besieged Chios in Chaka's absence, breaching the wall, but allowing repair. [After the defeat of Niketas Kastamonites, Alexios chose his own relative Konstantinos Dalassenos to lead another fleet against Chaka.] As he reached the coast of Chios, he immediately began the siege of the stronghold, fighting fiercely, trying to capture the city before Chaka returned from Smyrna. Using many different siege-engines, he attacked the fortress, breaching the wall between the two towers. The defenders realised resistence was now impossible and called out in Greek for God's mercy. Dalassenos and Konstantinos Opos tried to stop their soldiers bursting into Chios and seizing all Chaka's wealth deposited there. They said that the shouts in Greek meant surrender, and there should be no violence. In these attempts to stop their soldiers plundering Chios, the day passed. Before the next morning, the Turks repaired the breach in the wall and covered it for protection with mattresses and other fabrics
Certainty: 2 Chaka returned to Chios, shadowed in the dark by frightened Byzantines. Chaka sent some 8,000 troops towards Chios by land, followed by his fleet inshore. Dalassenos embarked soldiers on his fleet and sent it under Opos to intercept the Turks; they met at sea at night. Opos found that Chaka's ships were kept in formation by a gigantic chain. Terrified by this novelty, he dared not approach. Both fleets reached Chios, the Byzantines entering the harbour, held by Dalassenos, the Turks passing the harbour and anchoring near the city wall. Chaka made a list of all his forces
Certainty: 2 Battle outside Chios. A day or two later, after Dalassenos moved his camp, battle lines were drawn up. Chaka made an infantry attack, with little cavalry support. Dalassenos kept his army still, apart from his Keltish cavalry, which made a charge, but was stopped in its tracks and driven back when the Turks fired at their horses. The surviving Kelts fled to the ships, some of which were captured, while others put to sea, awaiting the outcome. Dalassenos planned to move down the coast to Bolissos, but the plan was betrayed to Chaka. At this moment Chaka, probably despairing of victory, asked for a meeting with Dalassenos, which was arranged for the next day
Certainty: 2 Chaka proposed a treaty with Dalassenos; Dalassenos told him to speak to Ioannes Doukas. At a meeting between Chaka and Dalassenos the next morning, Chaka told how he was captured, out of inexperience, by Alexandros Kabalikas, given to Nikephoros III and received honours and cash, which stopped at the accession of Alexios. He wanted payment of all arrears and a written marriage contract into Dalassenos' family; then he would return all conquests. Dalassenos knew the Turks and thought Tzachas' proposals hypocritical. He said that he could not make such bargains himself, and told Chaka to negotiate with Ioannes Doukas, Alexios' brother-in-law, when he came with the main fleet
Certainty: 2 Chaka went to Smyrna for more troops; Dalassenos refitted his fleet, took Chios, & left for Mitylene. Chaka had promised to provide provisions on the day after meeting Dalassenos, but slipped away in the night to gather more troops from Smyrna, with the idea of returning to Chios. Dalassenos proved as crafty as Chaka, refitting his fleet at Bolissos, making new siege-engines and resting his men; then he returned before Chaka to the town of Chios and captured it. Finally he sailed on to Mitylene
Certainty: 1 Though Ioannes was always truthful, Theophylaktos could hardly believe his encomia of Romaios. Theophylaktos of Ohrid was deafened by extreme encomia of Theophylaktos Romaios from their common correspondent Ioannes. If he did not know (he said) that Ioannes never lied, he would have difficulty in believing the claims. He continued the letter by discussing philosophy
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos' charming letters were still failing to make Nikolaos Mermentoulos write to him. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote a light and brilliant letter to Nikolaos Mermentoulos, still complaining that he had failed to communicate and requesting a letter
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos told Michael Pantechnes of his health & problems in Glavenitsa, Vidin & Sthlanitsa. The doctor Michael Pantechnes had asked Theophylaktos of Ohrid about his health. He was told that he suffered from fever, a dry cough and persistent pain. He also felt under attack from Glabenitza, Vidin and Sthlanitza
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos was confident during a crisis, thanks to the prayers of the chartophylax Nikephoros. Theophylaktos of Ohrid was confident in an (unspecified) crisis because of the prayers of Nikephoros the chartophylax - which should continue
Certainty: 1 Bishop Gregorios Kamateros' church was destroyed: Theophylaktos encouraged him to rebuild. Theophylaktos of Ohrid encouraged Gregorios Kamateros, a suffragan bishop, to face the fact that his church had been destroyed. He should plan rebuilding, on the pattern of the destruction and rebuilding of the Temple
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos agreed to lift the suspension on the bishop of Triaditza, who was very ill. The suspended bishop of Triaditza fell very ill and feared death; he therefore sent a letter to Theophylaktos of Ohrid, requesting the lifting of the suspension imposed on him by the synod. Theophylaktos agreed, while commenting that he had continued to spread calumny. Because the suspension was a synodal, not a personal act, Thephylaktos wrote announcing his decision to the other bishops on the bishop of Triaditza's route (Pelagonia, Stroumitza and Malesoba), and indeed to all local bishops
Certainty: 2 Cretans murdered Karykes & gave Crete to Ioannes Doukas as he approached; he left for Cyprus. Karykes, who had rebelled on Crete, was attacked and brutally killed by the Cretans as soon as they heard that Ioannes Doukas had reached Karpathos. He provided the necessary defences for Crete and then sailed for Cyprus
Certainty: 2 Ioannes Doukas captured Kyrenia; Rapsomates sent envoys, while some of his men changed sides. As soon as Ioannes Doukas landed on Cyprus, he seized Kyrenia. Rapsomates at once took up arms, left Leukosia and seized the mountains above Kyrenia, camped and waited; this showed inexperience, as he should have attacked before Ioannes was ready. His slowness to begin fighting did not result from poor preparation, as he was ready for battle at once; in fact he had begun the revolt as a boys' game to be won by embassies, not battles. After futile diplomacy, some of his men were suborned by Manuel Boutoumites to join the Byzantine army
Certainty: 2 Rapsomates fled to Nemesos, where Boutoumites caught him; the Byzantines subdued all Cyprus. When battle lines were finally drawn with Ioannes Doukas, a hundred of Rapsomates' men deserted, causing him to flee at once to Nemesos in the vain hope of finding a ship for Syria. Disappointed in this, he was arrested by Manuel Boutoumites at the church of the Holy Cross in the [Troodos] mountains beyond Nemesos, with his safety guaranteed, and was returned to Leukosia with the Athanatoi who had joined his revolt. Doukas now had the whole island under his control (with the aid of Boutoumites). He too returned to Leukosia, strengthened its defences, and informed Alexios of events by letter. Boutoumites returned to the capital
Certainty: 2 Alexios sent Kalliparios to Cyprus as krites & exisotes, & Eumathios Philokales as stratopedarches. Alexios was anxious to restore Cyprus after the revolt of Rapsomates. Thus he appointed Kalliparios as its krites and exisotes and Eumathios Philokales as its stratopedarches, with adequate troops and ships
Certainty: 2 Alexios returned home, pitying Nikephoros Diogenes; the latter was devoted to learning, & hating Alexios. Alexios returned to the capital. There he felt great sorrow for Nikephoros Diogenes and frequently wept when he thought of his suffering. He therefore returned to him a good deal of his property. Nikephoros, though blind, spent his time away from the capital on his own estates studying ancient learning, with others reading to him. He even studied geometry, by having its figures carved in relief; thus he gained a good knowledge of geometry, as Anna Komnene, who knew the subject and heard him speak, could testify. But lust for power and hatred of Alexios later led to a further episode of defiance
Certainty: 3 Death of Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos, son of Michael VII. Konstantinos Doukas porphyrogennetos, son of Michael VII, died on August 12 (as seen from details of his commemoration). He died as the betrothed of the historian Anna Komnene, who still reacted emotionally, writing many decades later, when she spoke of him
Certainty: 2 Synod convened by Alexios I at Blachernai to discuss icon veneration. Leon, metropolitan of Chalcedon sent a letter to Nikolaos Adrianoupolites whose contents were deemed contrary to the teachings of the holy fathers on icon veneration. This forced Alexios I to summon a council of senators, prelates and monks to the great triklinos of Blachernai to discuss the question. There were more than 50 laymen present, though some were in clerical employment, around 30 churchmen with episcopal offices, around fifeen heads of monasteries, with a scattering of monks and deacons. At the end of the synod Leon of Chalcedon was condemned, unanimously, to exile, and left for Sozopolis in Pontos; his life there was made as comfortable as possible, but he remained intransigent and hostile to Alexios
Certainty: 3 Borsuq besieged Abul-Kasim for three months; Alexios sent help but the Byzantines soon withdrew. As once predicted to Tatikios by a peasant, Borsuq reached Nicaea with large forces and began a siege, which was unremitting for three months, causing desperation for Abul-Kasim and the population. Abul-Kasim and the other leaders of the defence against Borsuq realised they could not hold out much longer, and so appealed for help to Alexios, preferring to serve him rather than Borsuq. In response, Alexios sent out his best troops equipped with standards and sceptres. This was not really to aid Abul-Kasim, but to help in his destruction: Alexios, by repelling Borsuq, might be able to take the city from Abul-Kasim. By aiding the weaker of two Turkish parties in each case, the Roman empire, reduced to almost nothing by the invincible Turkish lance, might be extended. Alexios' men came to the castle of Hagios Georgios, were let in by the Turks, raising their standards at the east gate; then their war-songs were so loud that the besiegers feared that Alexios himself had come, and withdrew. But the Byzantines soon returned to Constantinople, for they were not sufficient in numbers to combat a further Turkish invasion expected to arrive from the furthest recesses of the empire
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Niketas the chartophylax, asking if a rumour he had heard was true. Theophylaktos of Ohrid had heard a rumour (unspecified) circulating widely about Niketas the chartophylax. He wrote a concerned letter to him to ask whether it was true. [The chartophylax's name might need to be changed to Nikephoros, as Niketas is not otherwise attested and raises chronological problems.]
Certainty: 2 Alexios sent Konstantinos Dalassenos against Chaka as he began to rebuild his fleet at Smyrna.
Certainty: 2 A false "Leon Diogenes" outraged Alexios' sister Theodora (nun & widow of Konstantinos Diogenes). An imposter appeared from the east, calling himself son of Romanos IV [probably "Konstantinos" rather than the "Leon" suggested by Anna Komnene]. He claimed imperial status, advertising the fact all round the capital, and persisted despite the opposition of many who denied his parentage. Theodora-Xene, widow of the real Konstantinos Diogenes, furiously rejected his claims, which would make him her husband, though she had long been a nun through widowhood. At first Alexios was indifferent to the claims of "Diogenes"; later, influenced by the anger of Theodora, he warned him several times, then exiled him to confinement in Cherson
Certainty: 2 "Diogenes" escaped from Cherson with the aid of the Cumans, by whom he was recognised as emperor. In Cherson the false "Leon Diogenes" made contact with some Cuman traders, leaning over the wall, and arranged to be lowered on a rope, so that he escaped. The Cumans took him with them back to their country, where he lived for a time. The Cumans wanted to invade Byzantium, and so began to call him "emperor" and talk of "restoring" him. This was noted by Alexios, who began preparations for defence
Certainty: 1 Plot of Gregorios Gabras to abscond to his father betrayed to Alexios; plotters were punished. Gregorios Gabras put into practice his thoughts of escape, sharing them with Georgios Dekanos, Eustathios Kamytzes and Michael pinkernes. Michael told Alexios, but was not believed. Gregorios persisted in his plans. His fellow conspirators, retaining some loyalty to Alexios, demanded a solemn oath, before they would proceed: they asked him to bring a relic, the Holy Nail, to confirm his oath. He broke into the place where the Nail was kept, and secretly removed it. At this, his fellow-conspirators rushed to Alexios, seeking to prove their allegations, so Gregorios was searched, and the Nail was found. He was arrested and asked questions, and immediately revealed all his plans and named his co-conspirators. He was handed over to Georgios Mesopotamites, to be kept under guard in the akropolis of Philippopolis. Georgios Dekanos was sent to Leon Nikerites in Paradounabon with a letter from Alexios; ostensibly Georgios was to aid Leon in guarding the Danube area, in practice he was to be carefully watched by Leon. Eustathios Kamytzes and others were confined elsewhere
Certainty: 1 Exchange of properties by Esphigmenou: Mounzianis replaced by Morousa (near Ezoba). Gregorios Xeros, monk, dikaiophylax and anagrapheus restored to Stroimeros, a landowner on the Strymon, the property previously granted to Esphigmenou at Mounzianis by Niketas Xiphilinos, krites & anagrapheus of Boleron, Strymon & Thessalonike. He then granted to the monastery an estate at the proasteion of Morousa (near Ezoba). This would be delimited in the following year by Euthymios, anagrapheus of Boleron, Strymon and Thessalonike
Certainty: 1 Hearing that Turks were plundering Bithynia, Alexios re-excavated an ancient ditch to defend it. While he was concentrating on urgent matters in the west, the Turks were ravaging Bithynia; now he returned his attention there with a brilliant plan, to defend the area with a ditch. He found a ditch south of lake Baane which could not be natural, and after research discovered it was dug by the emperor Anastasios, attempting for some reason to divert into it water from the lake. Alexios lengthened and deepened the ditch, and built a strong fortification at a crucial point. The work was heavy, in midsummer, but he paid good rates and attracted many soldiers to transport the heavy stones
Certainty: 2 Alexios wrote to Kilic Arslan, warning that Chaka was a bigger threat to him than to the Byzantines. Chaka was too belligerent to be long quiet, but soon re-established himself at Smyrna and again built raiding vessels and warships of all kinds, retaining the same purpose as before. In the face of this hostility, Alexios appointed Konstantinos Dalassenos as his chief admiral and sent him out, but also wrote to Kilic Arslan I to enlist his aid. His letter warned that Chaka (who called himself emperor) probably hoped to dominate the Muslim world, not Byzantium; he was too experienced to expect that. Alexios suggested that the sultan should discipline Chaka, by force if necessary, just as Alexios was trying to exclude him from Byzantine lands
Certainty: 2 Chaka besieged Abydos by land, as his fleet was not ready; Dalassenos & Kilic Arslan approached. Chaka besieged Abydos by land, as his ships were not yet ready, using all kinds of siege-machines. Then he heard that Konstantinos Dalassenos and Kilic Arslan were marching towards him. The latter had read Alexios' letter, and with typical barbarian bloodthirstiness immediately set out against Chaka with his whole army. Chaka was desperate. He had no ships, nor enough troops to face both Dalassenos and Kilic Arslan, let alone the defenders of Abydos. He turned for aid to his relative Kilic Arslan, knowing nothing of Alexios's plot
Certainty: 2 Kilic Arslan dined with Chaka, then killed him, leading to a peace treaty with Alexios. Kilic Arslan greeted Chaka cheerfully, had a usual meal prepared and ate with him. He made him drink too much, and when he saw he was drunk, drew his sword and thrust it in his side, killing him at once. With Chaka dead he sued for peace with Alexios, and was successful. When the formalities were concluded, the maritime provinces of the empire returned to normality
Certainty: 3 As the Cumans & "Diogenes" reached Paristrion, Alexios was unanimously advised not to fight. Alexios, on hearing that the Cumans had reached Paristrion with the false "Leon Diogenes", gathered all his commanders and relatives to discuss whether he should take the field against them. The unanimous answer was negative
Certainty: 2 Alexios asked God in a ceremony in Hagia Sophia whether to fight the Cumans; the answer was positive. Alexios summoned all churchmen and soldiers to an evening ceremony in Hagia Sophia, where the patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos was present. He was told to put on the holy altar a question over attacking the Cumans, in two sealed documents marked "Yes" and "No". Then, after an all-night vigil of hymns, Nikolaos went in to the altar, brought the document, unsealed it before everybody and read the answer "Yes", as if from a divine oracle. After this positive answer, Alexios became very enthusiastic for the expedition and wrote everywhere summoning the army. Having made good preparations, he set out against the Cumans
Certainty: 2 Alexios at Anchialos sent commanders to their posts, inspected defences in passes, & made camp. Alexios, having collected the army at Anchialos, summoned Nikephoros Melissenos, Georgios Palaiologos and Ioannes Taronites and sent them out to Beroe, to keep careful guard there and in neighbouring areas. He then summoned Dabatenos, Georgios Palaiologos and Konstantinos Oumbertopoulos, and sent them out to guard the passes through the Zygos range. He himself went to Chortarea, another Zygos pass, covering from there the whole [Balkan] range, to see if all the work he had ordered there was complete, and, if not, to finish it; it should be hard for the Cumans to get through. Having completed all his arrangements he went back to Anchialos and pitched camp at the nearby Holy Lake
Certainty: 2 When the Cumans crossed the Danube, Alexios, after another council, made more defensive moves. Alexios was informed at night by the prominent Vlach Poudilos that the Cumans had crossed the Danube. After another meeting of leaders, he sent Kantakouzenos and Tatikios to Therma with mercenaries, and Skaliarios and Elchanes to guard a similar area. As the Cumans seemed to be aiming at Adrianople, he told the chief men of that city, especially Katakalon Tarchaneiotes and the blind Nikephoros Bryennios, to guard it well and fight the Cumans boldly when they arrived, but with arrows at a distance, usually from within closed gates. Rewards were promised. He finally sent written orders to Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos, Monastras and Michael Anemas, to wait till the Cumans had gone through the passes, then to follow them closely and make surreptitious attacks on their rear
Certainty: 2 Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos captured one hundred Cumans & won immediate promotion. Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos, closely following the orders of Alexios, met a foraging party of Cumans, attacked them strongly and captured 100. When he later encountered Alexios, he was promoted to nobilissimus on the spot
Certainty: 2 Goloe & area surrendered to the Cumans acclaiming "Diogenes", followed by impasse at Anchialos. The Cumans were helped over the Zygos by the Vlachs. As they approached Goloe, the people of the town seized their governor, handed him over to the invaders and enthusiastically welcomed them. "Diogenes" was also welcomed and acclaimed in other towns, like Dampolis. But then he and the Cumans went on to attack Alexios in Anchialos. Alexios was confident in the fortress' strength as the Cumans approached. He drew up his battle line, but after one victorious skirmish he kept it still. The Cumans too were nervous, leading to impasse for three days, followed by the Cumans' departure for Adrianople
Certainty: 2 For the 48-day siege of Adrianople, Nikephoros Bryennios rejected the identity claimed by "Diogenes". "Leon Diogenes", as he left Anchialos, assured the Cumans (falsely) that Nikephoros Bryennios would open the gates of Adrianople and give them money, because of Nikephoros' brotherly relationship to Romanos IV. He made the mistake of calling Nikephoros his "uncle", when he meant that Romanos, the father whom he [falsely] claimed, had become Nikephoros' adoptive brother. The Cuman siege of Adrianople lasted 48 days; during this time, the blind Nikephoros up on the wall told "Leon" he did not sound like Konstantinos Diogenes, who had died long ago at Antioch
Certainty: 2 Alexios sent Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos to relieve Adrianople; he was not successful. As provisions grew scarcer in Adrianople, Alexios sent Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos with some western knights, to make their way into the city by night from Kalathades. He hoped to slip past the Cumans, but they saw him and drove him off in huge numbers, despite the heroics of his son Nikephoros. Nikephoros (later to marry Alexios' daughter Maria) turned and speared through the heart the Cuman who was pursuing him, showing his genius for horsemanship
Certainty: 2 In a sortie from the city, Marianos Maurokatakalon nearly killed Togartak & whipped "Diogenes". Before the end of the siege of Adrianople he (as defence commander) threw open the gates, leading to a general battle, in which the Byzantines had the better, though with heavy losses. Marianos Maurokatakalon, who had been prominent in all sorties from the city, attacked Togartak the supreme Cuman commander and nearly killed him, but was himself almost killed by Togartak's bodyguard in the attempt. He then rode steaming with rage to where "Diogenes" stood on the other side of the river, wearing Byzantine imperial symbols, and whipped him mercilessly around the head
Certainty: 2 Alexios decided to go himself to relieve Adrianople, using Alakaseus to deal with "Diogenes". Alexios, hearing news from Adrianople, decided to go there himself to relieve the town. He also adopted a plan proposed by Alakaseus at a meeting at Anchialos to deal with "Diogenes". Alakaseus claimed that his father had been a close friend of the father of "Diogenes". He said that this would enable him to lure the man into a trap and capture him. He also suggested he should be shaved and beaten to look as if he had been disgraced (following good classical precedent), so that "Diogenes" would accept him and be lured into the trap which had been set
Certainty: 2 Alakaseus made himself look maltreated, blaming his connection with "Diogenes", who was deceived. As soon as his plan was accepted, Alakaseus shaved off his hair and beard and indulged in self-harm. Then he presented himself with flattering words to "Diogenes", playing on the friendship between their parents, and pretending to have been beaten and disgraced by Alexios because of this connection. "Diogenes" accepted Alakaseus' story, welcomed him, and asked how he could help him get revenge for the suffering and imprisonment he had endured on his account from Alexios. In this way he was lured into a trap
Certainty: 2 Alakaseus had Poutza surrendered to "Diogenes", using a letter from Alexios fired in with an arrow. Alakaseus had earlier provided himself with a letter from Alexios to the governor of Poutza, telling the latter to do whatever Alakaseus told him. Alexios had correctly worked out where the letter would be needed. Alakaseus told "Diogenes" that the governor of Poutza was an old friend, and offered to arrange for rest for him and his men at Poutza. He fired an arrow with a letter into Poutza, ostensibly to set up this plan. The letter was in fact that of Alexios, with instructions to the governor to obey Alakaseus, who told him to surrender his fort in the morning. The plan worked perfectly: Alakaseus approached Poutza, talked to the guards, made a signal to "Diogenes", and he and some of his men entered the fort; they were now caught in a trap
Certainty: 2 The governor of Poutza offered hospitality to "Diogenes", then killed his men & arrested him. The governor of Poutza offered a bath to "Diogenes" when he entered the fort, then provided all his men with a plentiful feast. Later, as they and their leader snored, he and Alakaseus deprived them of their horses and weapons, then killed them. "Diogenes" was left to be arrested alone when he awoke
Certainty: 2 "Diogenes" was taken quickly to the capital on the orders of Anna Dalassene, who had him blinded. Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos was shadowing the Cuman armies on the instructions of Alexios. When he realised that "Diogenes" had been captured at Poutza, he went and made camp in the neighbourhood. Even so, in a countryside overrun by Cumans, Alakaseus was unable to tell Alexios of his success, so he quickly took the prisoner to Tzouroulos on his way to Constantinople. When Anna Dalassene heard that "Diogenes" had been captured and brought to Tzouroulos, she sent Eustathios Kymineianos to take over the prisoner there and bring him to Constantinople. Kymineianos used a Turk called Kamyres to blind the prisoner
Certainty: 2 Theophylaktos wrote to the bishop of Vidin, over trouble with Cumans & tax-collectors. The bishop of Vidin had spent a long time in Ohrid; when he moved to his see he complained to Theophylaktos about the exactions of tax officials, the Cuman attacks, his devious flock and the accusations they made in the capital. However Theophylaktos replied that all these problems were even worse at Ohrid than at Vidin
Certainty: 2 Alexios fought single-handed against a Cuman, won a battle, & restored loot to local people. When Alexios moved from Anchialos to Mikra Nikaia, he faced Kitzes, one of the Cuman leaders. This man led 12,000 Cumans, scattered for foraging nearby, and collected all his booty on a ridge called Taurokomos. Alexios provoked him to fight by using Turkish bowmen. Then a Cuman champion came out in front of his lines to challenge the Byzantines to single combat. When nobody else took up the challenge, Alexios rushed forward and killed him, driving his sword through his chest, a soldier that day rather than a general. His single-handed victory raised Byzantine morale and dismayed the Cumans. Their battle line was broken up and they fled in all directions, with heavy casualties, and the loss of all their booty. But this was recent booty, so Alexios did not let his men divide it up as usual. He advertised it to the local population, and they came, recognised their own, and recovered it. Thus he won great renown
Certainty: 3 Cuman leaders posing as deserters failed to distract attention from their army's retreat. Alexios, after spending two days at Mikra Nikaia, moved on to the house of Silvestros in Adrianople. There he was approached by the Cuman leaders in disguise, pretending to be deserters wanting peace with him. He realised they were trying to deceive him over the retreat of their army, and sent swift messengers to the guards of passes over the Zygos to be watchful, and try to intercept them. He had his available troops gather at Skoutarion (near Adrianople) and the next day at Agathonike, not far from Avrilevo, where he learned the Cuman army was camped, beginning its withdrawal. He approached the Cuman camp, and was impressed by the innumerable camp-fires burning in the night. He sent for Nikolaos Maurokatakalon and his other chief commanders to discuss what to do
Certainty: 2 The Cumans fled, deceived over the size of Alexios' army; he pursued them & captured large numbers. To deceive the Cumans over the size of his army, Alexios had Ouzas, Argyros Karatzas and Monastras, commanders of the mercenaries, light 15 or more fires by every Byzantine tent. The Cumans were frightened for the battle the next day. He was the aggressor in the battle, and after a struggle the Cumans fled, pursued by his light troops. He followed and caught the fugitives at the Sidera, killing many, but taking even more prisoners and all the Cuman booty was captured. He spent a night in a storm on the Sidera, then a day at Goloe, to honour and reward those who fought bravely. The army disbanded and in two days he arrived at Constantinople
Certainty: 2 Peter the Hermit returned from Jerusalem inspired by the idea of crusade. Peter the Hermit went on pilgrimage to Jerusalem. His Christian host there told him about outrages to Christians in the city in the past, and severe problems in the present. He saw the truth of this and discussed it in an interview with the patriarch Symeon. Symeon was impressed with him, told him of his helplessness, and said that salvation could only lie in the prosperous west, as Byzantium had just lost half its empire. Peter wept and assured him that the Pope and western rulers would act, if they had credible information. Different texts divide responsibility in different ways. Peter asked Symeon to write to them (which he did), and promised personal intervention on his return home, perhaps at the patriarch's suggestion. He saw a confirmatory vision of Christ in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Anna Komnene's version has him setting out on pilgrimage but badly treated by the Turks and Saracens who dominated the route, and returning home to try again via the crusade
Certainty: 3 Ariebes, Oumbertos & others convicted of plotting: they were exiled & their property confiscated. The Armenian Ariebes and the Kelt Konstantinos Oumbertos were detected conspiring against Alexios, with many others they had drawn in; the proof was clear and guilt freely admitted. All the guilty persons were arrested, subjected to shameful parade and exile, with their fortunes confiscated. However Alexios limited their punishment to this, not using the full rigour of the law
Certainty: 3 Pope Urban II preached the crusade at the Council of Clermont. Peter the Hermit delivered the letter of the Patriarch Symeon to pope Urban II, who was recovering from the schism and dispute with the German emperors and lamenting the lawlesness of the Europe of Henry IV of Germany and Philip I of France. Urban promised his help [suggestions of collaboration between the two are usually regarded as mythical]. After the synod of Piacenza Urban called the Council of Clermont, urging spiritual renewal in the shepherds of the church and the peace of Christ. He also directly preached a crusade against the Turks, for recovery of the Holy Places from the infidel and support of local Christians. He offered a holy truce and spiritual benefits to potential crusaders, and told the clerics present to spread the news of crusade in their home districts; all Europe was inspired to join, and sewed crosses on their garments. Peter brought to the crusade a huge multitude from France and Germany, whom he had gathered with a great deal of hard work. His date of March, 1096 for the Crusade to set out was met by those whose affairs were easy to set in order; others had to delay, and departures occurred in all the months till October; fortunately it was a year of plentiful harvest, so that provisions were easy to gather
Certainty: 2 Large numbers of prominent men soon took the cross for the First Crusade. William of Tyre gave a long list of those who were early to take the cross for the First Crusade. It is placed in his work soon after the Council of Clermont, and is plainly a gross oversimplification of a complex situation
Certainty: 2 T‘oros brought al-Faraj to Edessa, giving him the city, but killed him on discovering a plot against himself.
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos was visited by a despoina (empress?) when he was ill. Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent a letter of thanks to a despoina (empress?) who visited him when he was ill. Likely candidates would include Maria of Alania and Eirene Doukaina, but other members of the imperial family are possible
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos was prevented from visiting Maria of Alania on Prinkipo. Theophylaktos, the archbishop of Ohrid, thrice tried to visit the empress Maria of Alania on Prinkipo in the Sea of Marmara but was prevented, twice by adverse winds and once by the sebastos & praitor (doux?) of Dyrrachion. He therefore wrote her a letter instead and asked her to honour the promise she had made to his brother Demetrios Hephaistos
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos lamented that the ignorance of Ohrid did not understand his frenetic eloquence. Theophylaktos of Ohrid in a letter to Michael Pantechnes commented on the ignorance of the people of Ohrid, but implied that he had a share of the blame for a lack of communication
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos enthusiastically welcomed Ioannes Opheomachos to Ohrid. Ioannes Opheomachos had just taken up a new post in Ohrid. Theophylaktos the archbishop welcomed him in a light-hearted and enthusiastic way
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote to Nikolaos Mermentoulos about an attack which had been beaten off. Theophylaktos of Ohrid welcomed a letter from Nikolaos Mermentoulos. In his reply he told him of an attack which he had repelled, and asked him for more frequent news
Certainty: 0 Basileios the Bogomil induced to make a statement of beliefs. [Events concerning Basileios are almost undatable. Anna Komnene (our only primary source) makes them the culmination of Alexios I's work in the religious sphere, and implies a date atound 1117: but among the agents working against Basileios she includes Alexios' brother Isaakios (d. 1102-1104) and the patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos (d. 1111). The dates used here are guesses.] A new heretical sect, the Bogomils, became very prominent, led by a monk named Basileios and his twelve "apostles", with some depraved females. Alexios I could not avoid making a full investigation. All the Bogomils interrogated, especially Diblatios (who was tortured), claimed Basileios as their leader. Basileios was found and brought into the palace, and Alexios and his brother Isaakios flattered him by giving him hope that they would become his followers, trying to elicit a full confession of Bogomil doctrines. Eventually he provided what they wanted, vomiting up (as it were) the Bogomil poison, with an imperial secretary hidden behind a curtain taking down all the details
Certainty: 3 Birth of Theodora (daughter of Alexios I). Theodora (daughter of Alexios I) was born on Tuesday 15 January
Certainty: 3 Gottschalk's crusaders, after pograms of Jews & other atrocities, were slaughtered in Hungary. The group of crusaders led by the priest Gottschalk began the crusade by massacring Jews, largely in the Rhineland. Gottschalk was honoured by King Coloman of Hungary and given a licence to buy supplies. But his men were so unruly in getting drunk and stealing food, and committed such great atrocities that Coloman had to trick them by an embassy into surrendering their weapons and money and then massacre most of them
Certainty: 2 Walter Sansavoir crossed Hungary & reached Belgrade. Walter Sansavoir was the first crusader to leave. He crossed Germany with many infantry but few knights, was given peaceful passage through Hungary by king Coloman to the river Maroe (?), crossing into Bulgarian lands near Belgrade. Stragglers from his army purchasing food at Semlin (Taurunum) were attacked and robbed, but he decided not to turn back for revenge, having faith in divine justice. He asked to purchase food from Niketas, governor of Belgrade, but was refused; he camped outside the city, and his needy army foraged for itself, leading to hostilities in which 140 crusaders were burnt by the locals in a church
Certainty: 2 Abul-Kasim had tried to give the sultan a bribe, but it was not accepted; finally he was strangled. Abul-Kasim tried to bribe Barkiyaruq to avoid being dismissed, loading 14 mules with as much gold as they could carry. He reached Barkiyaruq at Isfahan, but the sultan would not see him. However he told him, via intermediaries, that he had given jurisdiction to Bozan, to whom any payments should be made, and whose statements automatically became Barkiyaruq's will. Abul-Kasim failed to change his mind, and so went to find Bozan. On the way was met by 200 distinguished governors, whom Bozan had sent against him, noticing he had left Nicaea. They made a noose and strangled him. But the responsibility was not so much with Bozan, who sent the murderers, as with his master the sultan Barkiyaruq
Certainty: 2 Poulchases, brother of Abul-Kasim governed Nicaea; Alexios offered him bribes to leave. While Abul-Kasim was away trying to bribe the sultan, his brother Poulchases governed Nicaea. He was often offered bribes by Alexios to leave, but would not, waiting loyally for Abul-Kasim's return
Certainty: 2 Alexios I's ambassadors to Khorasan returned on hearing of the sultan's murder. Basileios Kourtikios and his three fellow ambassadors were to welcome Malik-Shah's proposals, but add demands to delay a conclusion. Before reaching their goal of Chorasan, they heard of Malik-Shah's death [which is confused in Anna Komnene's text with the death of his vizier] and turned back
Certainty: 2 Kilic Arslan, elder son of of Sulayman, received Nicaea from Poulchases, taking the title of sultan. Malik-Shah the Seljuk sultan had held prisoner the two sons of Sulayman ibn Kutulmush, the elder being Kilic Arslan. At Malik-Shah's death they escaped and returned to Nicaea. They were enthusiastically welcomed by the populace, and Poulchases the governor handed over Nicaea to Kilic Arslan like a paternal inheritance. He took the title of sultan. He summoned to the city the families of soldiers serving there, populating it as a sultan's residence
Certainty: 2 Ridwan of Aleppo took Tell Bashir from a lieutenant of Yaghi Siyan.
Certainty: 2 Walter Sansavoir journeyed from Nis to Adrianople. Walter went on through forests to Stralicia (Sofia?), where he complained to the governor of the wrongs done him at Belgrade, and was given money in compensation, with an offer of necessities at a fair price and guides to take them hrough Serdica, Philippopolis and Andrianople to Constantinople
Certainty: 2 Peter the Hermit crossed Hungary & captured Zemun (Malevilla). Peter the Hermit followed Walter Sansavoir through Germany to Hungary. King Coloman granted passage, provided he caused no disturbance. He crossed Hungary in peace, giving no credence to rumours that Niketas, governor of Belgrade, was conspiring against him with Guz, a Hungarian noble. He reached Malavilla (Semlin), where his men learned of the wrong done to Walter Sansavoir's troops. They angrily captured Semlin, causing 4,000 casualties over the loss of 100. Rainald of Broyes and Godfrey Burel fought with particular bravery. After five days of rest, he heard that Coloman wanted revenge, so he quickly moved on, losing some men to Pecheneg fighters on boats as he crossed the Sava
Certainty: 2 Kilic Arslan left Muhammad in control of Nicaea & went to attack Melitene. Kilic Arslan, having organised the government of Nicaea as his capital, dismissed Poulchases as governor and made Muhammad the chief administrator. He then left to campaign against Melitene
Certainty: 3 Arrival of vast numbers of crusaders from the west, presaged by swarms of locusts. He heard of a massive movement of westerners, men, women and children, and dreaded it, knowing their greed and erratic character. They were preceded by plagues of locusts on vines
Certainty: 3 More crusader pogroms in Germany followed by slaughter of Emicho of Flonheim's men in Hungary. Emicho of Flonheim took over a crusader army at Mainz, after it had killed many Jews in Cologne. It conducted an even worse pogrom in Mainz, despite the efforts of the local bishop Ruthard, who hid the Jews in his palace. They went on to Hungary with plenty of booty, acting immorally with the many females in the party. When they reached Hungary, progress was barred by Coloman, who had recently massacred the army of Gottschalk. Emicho besieged Wiesselburg and nearly captured it, beheading the commander of the Hungarian army. But when the town seemed about to fall, they fled in an inexplicable panic and were totally defeated by the Hungarians. Some of Emicho's noble adherents continued on the crusade via Carinthia to Apulia and Dyrrachion: these included Clarembald of Vendeuil, Hartmann of Dillingen, Thomas of La Fère, William the Carpenter of Melun and (probably) Drogo of Nesle
Certainty: 3 Alexios I sent forces with interpreters to meet the crusaders, to arrange supplies & prevent trouble. As the crusaders began to appear, Alexios sent military leaders with interpreters for Latin languages to the areas around Dyrrachion and Avlon to welcome, feed, watch and control them, and stop friction with local populations
Certainty: 2 Serious trouble caused by Peter the Hermit's men at Nis. Peter found Belgrade deserted, and plundered and burned it. He then marched for eight days to the fortified city of Nis (Naissus). There, with diminishing food, he asked Niketas, the governor, for a market at fair prices, giving hostages (Godfrey Burel and Walter of Breteuil) and promising to avoid violence. But as soon as the hostages were returned, a hundred Germans, who had quarelled with a local man, committed vandalism on some mills and the populace and governor over-reacted with a violent attack. Peter, who had left, was recalled by Lambert to investigate, bury the dead and make peace. His envoy (a Bulgarian who had joined the crusade) had nearly placated the governor when a thousand men began a uncontrollable riot in Peter's camp. This led to a full-scale attack from Nis's people; Peter's men were defeated, many were killed and his money lost; his army only re-assembled after three days, with the aid of Rainald of Broyes, Fulcher of Orleans, Godfrey Burel and Walter of Breteuil
Certainty: 3 Walter Sansavoir reached Constantinople. When Walter reached the capital he was given an audience by the Emperor Alexios I, who granted him permission to camp nearby, with full rights to buy and sell, waiting for Peter he Hermit
Certainty: 2 Peter the Hermit went quickly from Nis to the capital. Fortunately an imperial messenger arrived just after the army had regathered near Nis, with a friendly letter from Alexios I. He censured Peter and his men but offered food as far as Constantinople at fair prices. Peter agreed not to stay anywhere more than three days. He went via Serdica to Philippopolis, where he was given money and supplies. At Adrianople he received another message from Alexios, to hurry to the city and have a personal audience with the emperor. With raised morale, despite the catastrophic loss of their baggage, carts and money, Peter went quickly to the capital and joined Walter Sansavoir
Certainty: 3 Peter the Hermit met Alexios I & crossed with Walter Sansavoir to Asia. Peter had his audience with Alexios, accompanied only by Fulcher of Orleans. He made a good impression and received money to survive and rich gifts. After a few days' rest and plentiful food, the armies of Peter and Walter, arranging to pool men and resources, crossed the Bosporos on ships gathered by Alexios, and camped at Kibotos on the coast of Asia. Anna Komnene makes Peter less amenable: he refused to wait for the other leaders and camped at Helenopolis (= Kibotos)
Certainty: 3 Godfrey of Bouillon & his companions set out on crusade from Lorraine. After the battles of Peter the Hermit, the slaughter of Gottschalk and the early failure of the group around Emicho, Godfrey of Bouillon completed preparations and set out with large forces from Lorraine, travelling on the direct route, via Hungary. Godfrey's companions included his brother Baldwin (later Baldwin I of Jerusalem); Baldwin, count of Hainault; Hugh, count of St Pol; Engelrand of St Pol; Garnier, count of Grez; Reinhard, count of Toul; Peter, count of Astenois; Baldwin, son of count Hugh of Rethel (later Baldwin II); Henry of Esch; Godfrey of Esch; Dodo of Cons; and Cono of Montaigu. The army safely reached Tollenburg on the Hungarian border
Certainty: 3 Alexios I received a copy of the Monomachos typikon (for Athos). Kosmas Tzintziloukes in 1045 had inquired unto the problems faced by the Athos monasteries and issued for Konstantinos IX the so-called Monomachos typikon. A copy of this was now made by the protos of Athos Ioannikios, conveyed to the capital by Niphon, a monk from Lavra, and presented to the emperor Alexios I
Certainty: 2 Alexios had ordered a review of patriarchal monsteries; he acted on problems faced by the reviewers.
Certainty: 3 Godfrey of Bouillon & his companions negotiated a passage through Hungary. Godfrey of Bouillon and his army reached Hungary in the wake of the disasters of Gottschalk and Emicho of Flonheim. Emicho and the remains of his army passed them on their retreat homeward. Godfrey of Esch, an old acquaintance of Coloman, King of Hungary, was sent, with twelve members of the duke's household (including Baldric and Stabelo), as envoys to Coloman to investigate the massacres of previous crusaders. They received a reply detailing their misdeeds. Godfrey and the other leaders were invited to Sopron (Ödenburg) by Coloman, where they agreed to give hostages and impose harsh discipline in return for food at fair prices. Godfrey's brother Baldwin remained in charge of the army, and was relieved to welcome him back. The journey across Hungary to Semlin was peaceful. Baldwin with his wife and family were given as hostages to Coloman, at first reluctantly, and later returned at Semlin
Certainty: 2 Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy & Stephen of Blois at Lucca & Rome. When the duke of Normandy and the counts of Flanders and Blois travelled the length of Italy on their way to Constantinople, there was the unedifying specacle of two popes in Rome. It was in that year that the intervention of Matilda, duchess of Tuscany, proved decisive in favour of Urban II against the antipope Clement III. The crusader army met Urban II near Lucca (as narrated by Fulcher of Chartres, who was present); all who wished were able to speak to the pope. When they reached Rome, the forces of Clement III were stronger and disturbed the pilgrims as they worshipped, though the forces of Urban II held one tower of St Peter's. The army marched through Campania to Bari, where all prayed in the church of Hagios Nikolaos. Afterwards there was a division: only Robert of Flanders and his men found ships willing to brave the Adriatic in winter, while the rest wintered in Calabria and crossed in the spring
Certainty: 3 Rivalry in raids on Nicaea led to massacre of People's crusaders outside Kibotos by Turks. Peter the Hermit and his men remained at Kibotos for around two months in good conditions. Despite frequent letters from Alexios I not to provoke the Turks, they began to forage near Nicaea. Then when Peter himself was in Constantinople trying to lower the price of food, some Latins raided near Nicaea, only to be outdone by Germans, who captured Xerigordos, a town only four miles from the city. Kilic Arslan of Nicaea, who had gathered forces to resist the crusade, was provoked to retake Xerigordos and massacre the Germans. This led to differing reactions at Kibotos, some restrained by Alexios' warnings, others, under the leadership of Godfrey Burel, burning for vengeance. The second party won the argument. The crusaders, leaving Kibotos on the attack, were met by Kilic Arslan, who was trying to surprise it. The crusaders charged, but were driven back inside the camp and nearly all massacred, including Fulcher of Orleans, Rainald of Broyes and Walter Sansavoir. Anna Komnene's account, usually disregarded, called the aggressors at Nicaea, Xerigordos and the final battle "Normans" (whose behaviour was bestial), made Petros present at the battle, and gave Kilic Arslan's role to "Elchanes", one of his generals
Certainty: 3 A few of Peter's men returned alive, threatened by more ambushes but saved by Alexios' troops. A few of the troops of Peter the Hermit survived the massacre, barricading themselves in a ruined town. A messenger took the news to Peter, who rushed to Alexios I and told him. Alexios sent Konstantinos Katakalon Euphorbenos with a strong fleet to save them. He did, and brought them back to Alexios. The latter later rebuked Peter for his folly, to little effect. [Anna Komnene places Petros himself at the massacre requiring rescue, and later abusing his dead comrades as brigands deemed by the Saviour unworthy to worship at his tomb.]
Certainty: 2 Raymond set out from Toulouse, & travelled via Dalmatia to Pelagonia. Raymond of Toulouse and Adhemar of le Puy travelled via Lombardy, Istria & Dalmatia, suffering from winter cold, mountains and dearth of food. They fought to save non-combatants from local people, who followed the army, raiding and killing. After three hard weeks they reached Skodra, giving its king rich gifts, hoping for food, but conditions worsened, so they took 40 days to reach Dyrrachion. Encouraged by an embassy from Alexios I, they went through Epirus to Pelagonia. Adhemar camped there separately from the rest, was captured by raiding Bulgarians, and was only saved when a dispute over money among the captors alerted rescuers
Certainty: 2 Godfrey en route to Constantinople fought for the release of imprisoned French nobles. Godfrey of Bouillon, after leaving Hungary, camped for a time at Belgrade, then went via Nis to Sofia, through areas desolate through Byzantine weakness. He spent time at both towns with a fair market. He crossed the pass of St Basil to Philippopolis, where he heard that Hugh of Vermandois, Drogo of Nesle and Clarembald of Vendeuil were being imprisoned by Alexios I; he sent envoys quickly to demand their release. Henry of Esch and Baldwin of Mons went ahead to protest first and gain imperial presents. Alexios refused: his reply reached Godfrey after he had passed Adrianople and was in an agricultural area, which he ordered plundered. After eight days he received a message via Rodolph Peeldelau and Roger, son of Dagobert, asking him to stop plundering and promising release of the prisoners, which followed
Certainty: 3 Hugh of Vermandois, self-styled supreme commander, arrived with one ship after a storm. Hugh of Vermandois, brother of the King of France, announced his arrival to Alexios by letter as if he were the crusade's commander-in-chief. He claimed to have a golden standard from the Pope. He set out before the others and crossed from Apulia to Dyrrachion. From the Italian coast, he sent 24 splendid envoys to Ioannes Komnenos at Dyrrachion, with William the Carpenter of Melun and Elias, who had left Alexios at Thessalonike. Ioannes was instructed to watch out carefully for him, as was Nikolaos Maurokatakalon the admiral, who was to make sure that he could not slip across on a pirate ship. But Hugh's fleet was shipwrecked, and he was found by two coastguards with one ship. They sent him on to Ioannes Komnenos at Dyrrachion, who detained him
Certainty: 3 Hugh of Vermandois was entertained at Dyrrachion, then taken to Constantinople. Ioannes Komnenos entertained Hugh of Vermandois at Dyrrachion to a magnificent banquet, without giving him complete freedom, and asked for instructions. Alexios sent Manuel Boutoumites to bring him to the capital by an indirect route, so that he should meet none of the other crusaders. In Constantinople he was welcomed by Alexios, given generous gifts and persuaded to take a Latin-style oath to become his liegeman. [Anna Komnene talks of mild restraint, William of Tyre of imprisonment like a common thief: it is not impossible that these are different perceptions of the same behaviour]
Certainty: 3 Richard of the Principate was defeated by the Byzantine fleet, which he thought was Syrian. Richard of the Principate (? mentioned elsewhere as travelling with Bohemond) crossed the Adriatic in a large pirate ship, which was detected by the Byzantine fleet under Nikolaos Maurokatakalon. Nikolaos had his subordinate give a signal as soon as it cast off, and came up with it close to land. But its helmsman thought the fleet was Syrian, and so expected to be attacked. The admiral's son Marianos Maurokatakalon attempted to board the ship at the bow, trying to convince the Crusaders in their own language (Italian?) not to fight those of the same faith. The sailors repelled him, and a crossbowman pierced his helmet without touching him. In the struggle count Richard was slighly wounded, and after it had gone on for a long time, as the other Latins were about to surrender, a badly wounded priest threw a stone at Marianos which shattered his shield and knocked him unconscious. He recovered and hit the priest with three arrows, but the priest continued to fight, even throwing barley-cakes. The Latins submitted and count Richard was conveyed across the Adriatic. The priest, before dying of his wounds, embraced Marianos, gave him a valuable silver cup, telling him he was lucky they had not fought on land
Certainty: 3 Godfrey reached Constantinople but refused to cross to Asia or meet Alexios I, who feared attack. Godfrey welcomed news of the release of the prisoners, marched peacefully to Constantinople and camped outside, where he was visited by the freed nobles Hugh of Vermandois, Drogo of Nesle, William the Carpenter of Melun, and Clarembald of Vendeuil, who thanked him. Messengers from Alexios invited him to audience, but he refused, so Alexios, in fury, stopped his market for the crusaders. Godfrey again ordered his brother Baldwin to arrange foraging throughout the area, making Alexios reopen the market; there was complete peace during the four days of Christmas. Alexios urged Godfrey to cross the bridge near Blachernai and stay in palaces on the shore of the Bosporos. He accepted, because his forces were suffering in camp from rain, snow and extreme cold; Alexios was in fact trying to trap his army in a more confined space
Certainty: 3 Bohemond & his company spent Christmas at Kastoria. For men like Bohemond, the preaching of the crusade was an excellent opportunity to realise ambitions. He crossed the Adriatic with large army less than a fortnight after Hugh of Vermandois. He crossed before the onset of winter, marched through the Bulgarian wilds and passed Christmas at Kastoria. There, the people would not sell food to the crusaders, whom they saw as enemies, so he had to forage violently. While camping in the rich area of Pelagonia, he captured and destroyed a town of heretics. His company included: Aubrey of Cagnano; Boel of Chartres; Hermann of Canne; Humphrey of Monte Scabioso; another Humphrey; Rainald of the Principate; Richard of the Principate; Richard, son of Count Ranulf; Robert of Anzi; Robert of Sourdeval; another Robert; the count of Rousillon, his brother and Gerard of Rousillon; and Tancred of Hauteville, Bohemond's nephew and deputy, who was very active, in the van or the rear, constantly exposed to danger; but he had time to help a starving old woman
Certainty: 1 Anna Dalassene sensed hostility from Alexios I & retired to the Pantepoptes. Anna Dalassene had long exercised great power in the capital, while Alexios I fought Byzantium's enemies. She was blamed for some of the problems faced by the population. But as the military situation became less critical, Alexios began to resent the dominant position held by his mother, and felt emperor in name alone. However he respected Anna, and was reluctant to remove her against her will. Fortunately Anna was sensitive to her son's feelings, and acted on her own initiative, fearing that the change might be forced on her against her will. She entrusted the whole government to Alexios and withdrew from the palace, going to live in her own convent of Pantepoptes [This event is dated early in its possible chronological span, because of the absence of Anna from narratives of the First Crusade]
Certainty: 1 Rule of Manuel of Strumitza for Theotokos Eleousa. Manuel, bishop of Stroumitza, wrote an elaborate rule for his monastery of Theotokos Eleousa. He regulated many facets of the lives of the monks, laying down special instructions for his designated successor Elias, to secure the monastery's future
Certainty: 1 Daimbert of Pisa received rich presents when on papal business in Spain. Daimbert of Pisa, before travelling to the east, had spent time on papal business in Spain. During his stay he received many generous gifts for the pope and himself, especially from king Alfonso and his nobles. Rumours circulated later that he had kept papal gifts for himself
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to a sebastos defending himself against charges of obstructing the fisc. Accusations were made about Theophylaktos of Ohrid that he obstructed the work of the tax-gatherers of the fisc. The accusation had the positive merit of bringing a letter from a sebastos (perhaps Ioannes Komnenos?). Theophylaktos in reply defended himself and complained about his powerlessness
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos congratulated Michael Pantechnes on appointment at the palace. Michael Pantechnes was appointed at the palace as imperial doctor. He received a letter of congratulations from Theophylaktos of Ohrid, who included advice on behaviour there
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote a letter to Ioannes the maistor which has largely been lost. A letter from Theophylaktos of Ohrid to a maistor called Ioannes is so fragmentary that nothing can be made of it
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos consoled a bishop for the death of his protector. The protector of a bishop had died [the identity of the bishop has been lost in the akephalic text]. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to console the bishop, saying that God's protection is primary
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to the patriarch a letter of introduction for the bishop of Pelagonia. The bishop of Plagonia wanted to visit the patriarch in Constantinople. He therefore asked Theophylaktos of Ohrid to write him a letter of introduction
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to encourage Ioannes Opheomachos, who seemed rather defeated by Bulgaria. Theophylaktos of Ohrid complained that Ioannes Opheomachos had shown some cowardice in the face of the challenge of Bulgaria. Ioannes was not the only official to have faced a sudden change of life: Theophylaktos himself, after immersion in books and ancient civilisation, had suddenly been plunged into action
Certainty: 2 Godfrey's diplomatic negotiations with Alexios & Bohemond. Alexios I made increasingly urgent requests for Godfrey of Bouillon to enter the capital for an audience. Godfrey refused them all out of mistrust and suspicion. But he did send a distinguished delegation to make his apologies: Cono of Montaigu, Baldwin of Bourcq, and either Godfrey of Esch [Albert of Aachen] or his brother Henry [William of Tyre]. They were frank about Godfrey's lack of trust, which Alexios said was misplaced. Around the same time, Godfrey received a letter from Bohemond, suggesting that they should meet back in Adrianople or Philippopolis, and attack Constantinople in March. Godfrey politely refused to use crusading force in this way against Christians. Alexios, facing threats like this, sent written orders to station mercenary troops on the line from Athyra to Philea, to cut communication between Godfrey and Bohemond and other approaching counts
Certainty: 3 Birth of Manuel (son of Alexios I). Birth of Manuel Komnenos (son of Alexios I) in February
Certainty: 2 Tancred fought prominently as Bohemond's army crossed the Vardar. Alexios I was naturally wary of Bohemond, and probably asked his captains to harrass his force as it reached the Vardar. The river was in spate, and with the enemy on the far bank formed an obstacle which held up the army for a time. Finally Tancred crossed with a small force. He had to defend against a spirited attack by troops of Turkish descent, then took the initiative himself and defeated them with heavy losses. Most of Bohemond's army, by one way or another, followed him across the river, but there was still a considerable force left behind. The enemy attacked these, with some success. Thus a messsage was sent to Tancred for help, and he returned to the river bank. Spurning a boat, he swum his horse across the river, followed by his men in boats; they defeated the other half of the enemy force, who ran away, beginning to feel the terrible power of the name "Tancred". They took a good deal of plunder, much of it rich and ornate. He was widely praised for the victory
Certainty: 2 Theophylaktos told the bishop of Kitros that his silence was due to the passage of the First Crusade. Theophylaktos of Ohrid explained his reasons for the silence in their correspondence: he had only just got used to the passage (or invasion?) of the Franks, and had failed to discover conscientious letter-carriers. At last he had found a suitable monk
Certainty: 3 Godfrey's relations with the Byzantines descended into violence. [Marriage of Anna and Nikephoros] Alexios realised that Godfrey was determined not to meet him, and again stopped the market and sent snipers to his camp. [Anna Komnene speaks of an interview of Alexios with Latin counts which dragged on and made the crusaders outside the city anxious.] Godfrey called a council, which decided that his brother Baldwin should seize the bridge they had crossed and return to the walls of the city, so as not to be bottled up beyond it in palaces along the Bosporos. Baldwin seized the bridge and held it all day, while Godfrey gathered his men, burning the buildings where they had lived, especially near the Silver Lake. They crossed back over the bridge, and battle began with the Byzantines between Kosmidion and Blachernai. They attacked the city walls. A courtier of Alexios was killed [or nearly killed] by a crusader arrow. Alexios alone was calm in this tense situation, not wearing armour and restraining those who wished to retaliate, especially as it was Holy Week [This dating by Anna Komnene is surely too late]. This did not calm the crusaders, who redoubled their attacks, provoking one strong sally. The kaisar Nikephoros Bryennios and his bowmen helped keep control without shooting to kill. Both sides claimed victory, as the Byzantines withdrew inside the walls; night intervened to restore calm. The crusader army camped in the open again, despite Alexios' plans. The next day, Godfrey was advised by Hugh of Vermandois to accept Alexios' invitation, though Godfrey hoped to avoid Hugh's slavish status. For the following six days Godfrey's forces plundered all round the city, gathering plenty of food
Certainty: 3 Godfrey of Bouillon finally waited on Alexios I in his palace & took oaths of allegiance. After the devastation caused by Godfrey's men, Alexios made a new effort to meet him, offering hostages to ensure that Godfrey was treated well. He feared that the expected arrivals of new armies would make the situation dangerous. Anna Komnene refers to another battle, won (with losses) by the Byzantines. Finally Godfrey agreed, provided the hostages inspired conference. Alexios offered Ioannes, his eldest son, the future Ioannes II. Godfrey moved his men back across the bridge to the palaces along the Bosporos, and sent Baldwin of Bourcq and Cono of Montaigu to pick up Ioannes. He then sailed to the city, attended by Garnier of Grez and Peter of Astenois. Godfrey's brother Baldwin was left in charge of the army and the hostage. The well-dressed Godfrey made a good impression: Alexios greeted him and his nobles with the kiss of peace, and asked all their names, but did not rise as they knelt before him. He made Godfrey his adopted son, clothing him as an emperor: the crusaders swore loyalty to Alexios, promising to return to the Byzantines (via the emperor's representative) all places once belonging to them. They agreed on peaceful and fair commerce, with severe penalties for offenders. Godfrey shared a meal at the emperor's table. Alexios gave his visitors rich gifts, which were repeated in succeeding weeks. The crusaders left the city in awe, and Ioannes was returned to his father
Certainty: 3 Godfrey & his men after taking oaths were transferred to Asia. When new armies appeared at the beginning of Lent, Alexios suggested to Godfrey that he and his army cross to Asia, and he willingly agreed, as the army had damaged the buildings along the Bosporos. They camped near Chalcedon at Pelekanos, with generous rations. From soon after Christmas nearly to Pentecost four men went weekly from the palace to Godfrey, laden with bezants and small change, most of which was recycled back by buying food. The prices of goods were kept low
Certainty: 3 "Count Raoul" arrived outside Constantinople, & was fought & coaxed across the strait like Godfrey before him. Count Raoul [known to Anna Komnene but apparently to no western source] arrived outside Constantinople with 15,000 men. As with Godfrey, it was plain that he wanted to wait for others before crossing the straits. (Konstantinos) Opos was sent to persuade him and Pegasios to ferry him over: together they fought and defeated him, forcing him to go. [It is tempting to identify him with Robert of Flanders, the leader of a significant contingent arriving at this time whose passage is not detailed in Anna's account; but the little we do know about Robert's time in the capital makes a different impression from that of "Raoul".]
Certainty: 2 Bohemond was invited by Alexios I to come to Constantinople ahead of his army. Alexios I received reports about Bohemond's huge army, assembled from many sources without coercion, with special mention of the ferocity of Tancred and his brothers. Alexios then sent a friendly embassy, praising Bohemond and his father, asking him and his men to avoid violence, promising supplies and urging him to hurry to Constantinople, where wealth and honours awaited, as well as his distinguished colleagues. Bohemond realised the deceit but replied with thanks (or was seduced by it, according to Ralph of Caen). From Apros (or Ipsos), Bohemond went ahead with a small escort, choosing the men carefully, and leaving Tancred in charge of the army. Tancred began to think how to avoid the net of Byzantine cunning which was closing round Bohemond
Certainty: 3 Robert of Flanders followed the others, becoming the emperor's man & crossing the straits. Robert of Flanders crossed from Bari to Dyrrachium at the beginning of winter, spending the bad weather in a fertile area; in spring he began to follow the others. He was invited by Alexios to leave his army before reaching the city and visit him in the palace; primed by the others, he did, and like them he was well received, swore fealty and received huge gifts. He spent some days recovering in Constantinople, had several important interviews with Alexios, then took his army across to join his fellows: they discussed the task ahead
Certainty: 3 A crusader knight sat on Alexios' throne & received a lecture on fighting the Turks. His careful treatment of crusading leaders became for a time [in the text of Anna Komnene] more general: they were greeted, fed, and housed from Kosmidion up the Bosporos, even to Hieron (!). There was a general oath-taking ceremony for new crusader arrivals, for which Godfrey was called from Pelekanos, as the oath to be taken was the one he had sworn to Alexios. After the oaths were taken, a knight sat on Alexios' throne; he was told to rise by Baldwin, Godfrey's brother, to respect local custom, especially as he had just sworn allegiance to Alexios. The knight rose and accepted Baldwin's rebuke without comment, but he looked daggers at Alexios and quietly abused him for rudeness in sitting alone before such noble company. Alexios saw the knight mutter as he rose from the throne, and asked an interpreter to translate: Alexios listened, but said nothing at the time. As the man left, Alexios asked him who he was: he was a pure-blooded Frankish noble, whose challenges to single combat were never taken up. Alexios warned him and everyone else against such complacency, with a brief lecture, as the Turks were terrible foes
Certainty: 3 Bohemond reached Constantinople & held a tense but positive meeting with Alexios I. When Bohemond arrived at the capital Alexios sent first a delegation and then Godfrey to ask him to visit him. When he came, he greeted him with the kiss of peace, and after initial probing had long and friendly discussions with him and (it seems) formally accepted him as his man, with a whole treasury full of gifts. Ralph of Caen speaks of an oath of homage, and the grant of a tract of the Byzantine Empire so large that a horse would take fifteen days to cross its length and eight to cross its breadth (as Bohemond immediately wrote to Tancred). According to Anna Komnene, when Bohemond asked to become domestikos of the East, Alexios demurred, saying it was not yet time for this. She also questions Bohemond's religious motivation as a crusader, says he refused to eat food cooked by Byzantines, and suggests he had a complex over low birth and poverty, sometimes accepting gifts only when Alexios gestured to remove them. Bohemond encouraged other leaders to take the oath, but failed with his own nephew Tancred
Certainty: 2 Tancred avoided contact with Alexios I, & undermined Bohemond. Baldwin's nephew Tancred felt passionately that the crusade was being corrupted, agonising over his own position. He avoided contact with Alexios I, crossed the straits at night and in disguise, and passed unnoticed. Beyond the Bosporos he removed the disguise on the way to Nicaea, and felt safer. His actions infuriated his uncle and Alexios. Tancred made a point by sending Atropius and Guarinus as messengers to summon Bohemond while the latter was helping Alexios to impose on Raymond of Toulouse the same oath he had taken himself. The two messengers were told to summon Bohemond to duty on the crusade, because the Turks were threatening. Alexios, who (as intended) discovered the message, interrogated the messengers, discovered they could not be cowed and dismissed them without punishment. But Bohemond was forced to promise to bring Tancred into line. Tancred was increasingly angry at the net of obligations enveloping him
Certainty: 3 Raymond of Toulouse after angry hostility to Alexios I became his closest ally. At Raidestos Raymond met imperial messengers, other crusaders, and his own envoys, who all urged him to go on to speak with Alexios, so as not to delay the crusade. He left the army, was well received by Alexios and pressed to swear agreements like the rest, but totally refused; meanwhile, his army was attacked by Alexios' men. Hearing of this, Raymond accused Alexios of treachery in enticing him away and attacking his men, and called on other leaders to avenge him. Bohemond, Godfrey and Robert of Flanders, summoned by Alexios to calm him, told him to conceal his fury and he trusted them; all protested to Alexios, who publicly claimed innocence while offering amends. Raymond was fully reconciled to Alexios, swore agreement and all received more gifts. His army arrived and crossed to join the rest. Its leaders were William, bishop of Orange, Raimbold, count of Orange, Centule of Bigorre, Gaston of Bearn, Gerard of Rousillon, Raymond Pilet, William of Forez, William of Amanieu and William of Montpellier. He stayed in the city for a time, urging Alexios, like the others, to lead the crusade himself, but without success. Alexios discussed with him the route to be followed and the defects of other crusaders. The party arrived as the other crusaders were leaving, and the subsequent delay nearly made him late for the battle outside Nicaea
Certainty: 3 Early arrivals among the crusaders moved on towards Nicaea. Godfrey of Bouillon, Bohemond and early arrivals among the crusaders went to Rouphinianai to make preparations for an attack on Nicaea. There they were joined by Peter the Hermit with the remains of his forces. Later, envoys arrived from Raymond of Saint-Gilles, asking them to wait for him and Adhemar of le Puy; they refused, indicating a swifter but steeper route by which latecomers could catch them up. Lack of food made the early arrivals press on, and they divided, some going to Nicaea via Nikomedeia, others by sea
Certainty: 3 Counts of Normandy & Blois reached Constantinople. Robert, count of Normandy, and Stephen, count of Blois announced their arrival at Constantinople just as the others were leaving. They had reached Apulia at the start of winter with Hugh of Vermandois, Robert of Flanders etc., but while the latter crossed over from Bari, they had not found ships ready to venture across the Adriatic at that late date. They were forced to winter in Apulia and Calabria, losing some pilgrims who shamefully went home, then mustering at Brindisi at at the onset of spring to cross to Dyrrachion. The voyage was calm. They peacefully crossed Illyricum, Macedonia and Thrace along the Via Egnatia, with a four-day stop at Thessalonike. They camped for 14 days outside Constantinople, where they were welcomed like the others by Alexios I with many gifts, but only allowed into the city for hour-long visits in relays, in groups of five or six, to pray in the churches. Robert and Stephen swore agreements with Alexios and crossed to Nicaea to avoid further delay. In their company were Eustace of Boulogne; Rotrou of Perche; Stephen of Aumale; Alan Fergent; Conan of Lamballe; Roger of Barneville and the historian Fulcher of Chartres
Certainty: 3 Crusader forces reached Nicaea: position of contingents in the siege. The crusader leaders moved on without waiting for Raymond and Adhemar. Some with their armies converged on Nikomedeia, where they met Peter the Hermit, who described his disaster. They then went to Nicaea, taking appointed places around the city for the siege, partly to increase the pressure by encouraging competition, and leaving room for latecomers. Godfrey of Bouillon, his brother Baldwin and Eustace were on the east, Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Robert of Flanders on the north, and Hugh of Vermandois, Raymond of Toulouse and Adhemar (latecomers) and Stephen of Blois on the south. Also mentioned were Achard of Montmerle, Alan Fergent, Anselm of Ribemont, Arnulf of Tirs, Baldwin of Bourcq, Baldwin of Mons, Baldwin Chauderon, Baldwin of Ghent, Bernard of St-Valery, Conan of Lamballe, Cono of Montaigu, Dodo of Cons, Don Walker of Chappes, Drogo of Nesle, Engelrand of St Pol, Garnier of Grez, Gaston of Beziers, Gerard of Rousillon, Gerard of Quierzy, Gerard of Gournay, Gilbert of Traves, Gozelo of Montaigu, Guy of Possesse, Heribrand of Bouillon, Hugh of Saint-Pol, Ioannes of Nijmegen, Lambert of Montaigu, Louis of Mousson, Milo Louez, Oliver of Jussey, Peter the Hermit, Peter of Astenois, Raimbold of Orange, Raymond Pilet, Rainald of Beauvais, Reinhard of Toul, Robert son of Gerard, Rodolph, Ruthard son of Godfrey, Stephen of Blois, Stephen of Aumale, Tatikios, Thomas of La Fere, Walo of Chaumont, Walter of St-Valery, Walter of Verveis, William of Forez and William of Montpellier. Alexios was at Pelekanos, observing all sides in the conflict, and hoping, with the aid of Manuel Boutoumites, his greatest confidant, to capture Nicaea for himself
Certainty: 1 Death of Alexios I's youngest son Manuel, probably just after baptism. Alexios I's youngest son Manuel died on a May 16. It is likely that he died soon after baptism. His elder sister Theodora was soon after called Alexios' youngest daughter
Certainty: 2 Theophylaktos of Ohrid sought help from powerful friends against accusations of Lazaros. Theophylaktos wrote to two of his major patrons, Adrianos Komnenos and Nikephoros Bryennios, about crises which seriously affected his relationship with Alexios I. As well as more long-term problems, the main cause was Lazaros, a paroikos of Ohrid who aspired to freedom, who accused Theophylaktos to the emperor of being immensely rich and living in palaces of Persian luxury, and of being responsible for a fire which allegedly destroyed Lazaros' own property. The accusations were made at one or more imperial audiences, and were confirmed by formal oaths. Lazaros was put up to his accusations by certain tax officials who treated him well. A parallel problem at a slightly earlier time was caused by Medenos, probably himself a tax official. Adrianos and Nikephoros were praised for previous aid and their good offices requested in these cases too
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos wrote to Niketas ho tou Serron & Nikolaos Kallikles. Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent a letter to the didaskalos of the Great Church (Niketas ho tou Serron), asking for help, as Niketas was in an opportune position. The carrier was his brother, Demetrios or an anonymous brother. He encouraged his correspondent to ask the brother for more information about the archbishop's troubles (probably to do with the Bulgarian attempt to blacken his name)
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote about his troubles to Theodoros Smyrnaios, perhaps from Pelagonia. [A letter with similar content to those sent with Theophylaktos' brother, but it does not mention its bearer.] Theophylaktos sent a letter to Theodoros Smyrnaios, speaking about his troubles as tragedies
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Ioannes Peribleptenos, about resuming their correspondence. There had been a gap in communication between them. Theophylaktos desired to resume the correspondence
Certainty: 3 Kilic Arslan I of Nicaea approached his besieged city. Kilic Arslan received many appeals from the people of Nicaea as the crusaders advanced, but was slow to respond; the citizens thus called on Manuel Boutoumites, so as to surrender to Alexios rather than be sacked by the crusaders. Manuel sent them many letters detailing promises made by Alexios if they surrendered to him. Thus when Kilic Arslan was slow to arrive, Manuel was invited to Nicaea to give assurances in person. However they expelled him after only two days, because they heard news that the sultan was due to arrive with a relief force. The sultan had sent two men to examine the position outside Nicaea, and to encourage the defenders inside with news of his attack the next day. Both were intercepted, one being killed. The other was interrogated by a group including Godfrey and Bohemond, who discovered the secret of the planned attack, and were able to warn Raymond and Adhemar to hasten their arrival. The informant was spared because he expressed a wish to convert to Christianity. He was honoured and rewarded when his predicted time for the enemy attack turned out to be accurate. After the battle he escaped to Nicaea
Certainty: 3 Kilic Arslan I arrived & fought a battle in which he failed to relieve his city.
Anna Komnene speaks of an initial engagement in which Raymond of Saint-Gilles, with aid from the other crusader armies, defeated a detachment of Turkish scouts. Latin sources begin from the messenger of Kilic Arslan who was tortured into revealing his master's plans, allowing the crusaders to complete their circuit of the city in time, though Raymond and Adhemar arrived only just before the battle. The Turks attacked the latecomers, expecting the space allotted to them to be empty. The Provencal troops, exhausted and unprepared, resisted heroically, but began to tire and were threatened by reinforcements. But Bohemond, Godfrey and Robert of Flanders came to their aid, charging together, supported by Robert of Normandy [though he had probably not yet arrived], Baldwin of Boulogne and Baldwin Chauderon. Tancred too arrived, from his distant position. The Turks resisted for an hour but then were defeated with heavy losses, and Kilic Arslan was no longer able to influence the progress of the siege, giving the defenders the right to surrender. Particularly distinguished in the fighting were Tancred, Guy of Possesse, Guy of Garland and Roger of Barneville. After the victory, some captives and a thousand heads of dead Turks were sent to Alexios I. He gratefully sent cash and silk fabrics as rewards to the leaders, and made sure that plentiful supplies were available
Certainty: 3 Turkish nobles removed from Nicaea by a Byzantine ruse. Though he had accepted the surrender of Nicaea, his forces were few in comparison with the headstrong Latins, and even the Turkish defenders of Nicaea. He therefore took charge of the keys of the only open gate. He let the Turkish leaders out of the gate during the night in small groups, to be ferried to Hagios Georgios. There he stationed Radomir and Monastras, warning them to send on each group at once to Alexios, so that they could not combine. His warning proved a prophecy: while Radomir and Monastras followed orders and sent the men at once, all was well. But once they allowed a bigger group to form, the Turks plotted to kill their guards or take them as prisoners to the sultan. The prisoners captured their guards and carried them off. But when they reached Mt Azalas and were resting their horses, Radomir and Monastras, both of whom spoke Turkish, warned their captors of the dangers of trying to reach the sultan in the disturbed political situation, and convinced them to go to Alexios instead. When he and Monastras 15001 with their Turkish allies reached Alexios 1 at Pelekanos, he welcomed them cheerfully, treated the Turks generously, but later reprimanded his two commanders so severely that they needed soothing words to restore their morale
Certainty: 3 Siege of Nicaea. During the siege, Hartmann of Dillingen and Henry of Esch spent a lot of time and money on a siege-engine to protect those undermining the wall, but they finally failed: it was crushed by stones from above and overbalanced, with heavy casualties. An Apulian engineer was more successful, allowing the undermining of the wall, but leaving the fortification still defensible. An attempt to widen the breach was unsuccessful. A major problem to the attackers was the lake of Nicaea, which allowed Kilic Arslan to supply the defenders unhindered. Alexios stopped this by providing ships, which the crusaders dragged on carts from the sea at Kios to the lake. Under the command of Manuel Boutoumites, they were manned with fully-armed soldiers, and provided with excess flags, trumpets and drums, to give a false impression of their numbers; they cut off access from that side of the city. Tatikios and Tzitas landed from boats at Hagios Georgios and rode up to Nicaea with a huge supply of arrows. They joined combined assaults under western command, covering the crusaders with a heavy shower of arrows. Alexios also provided siege-engines of his own design. Raymond of Toulouse concentrated his siege-engines on the tower of Gonatas where Kilic Arslan's wife, sister and children were said to live. They were terrified and tried to escape from the siege via the lake, but were captured and handed to Alexios. Godfrey of Bouillon's men suffered from an accurate and abusive archer, who killed many of them till Godfrey himself killed him with an arrow, to discourage any more such effrontery. Prominent crusader casualties included Baldwin Chauderon, Baldwin of Ghent, Galo de Insula, Guy of Possesse and William of Forez
Certainty: 3 Surrender of Nicaea to Boutoumites & Alexios I. The leaders of Nicaea began to despair of relief after Kilij Arslan lost the battle outside the city. Tatikios from outside Nicaea and Alexios I in secret negotiations via Manuel Boutoumites constantly reminded them that it would be safer to surrender to him than to the crusaders, who were hoping for a sack. Thus Boutoumites was invited into the city, showed the inhabitants Alexios' chrysobull promising amnesty, raised Byzantine flags and began acclamations. Alexios was generous to prisoners taken in the siege, especially the sultan's family. At this time Pakrad somehow escaped from Alexios and was taken by Baldwin of Boulogne, while Peter the Hermit received back some of his men. The crusader leaders received gifts from Alexios and accepted the fait accompli, since they had to move on, but the common soldiers complained of the lack of booty, which was not stipulated in any agreements with Alexios. Though pressed to allow the Crusaders to worship at the churches of Nicaea, Boutoumites, now the doux of Nicaea, only allowed 10 of them at a time into the city, thus preventing them from disputing the fact that it was surrendered to Alexios rather than to them
Certainty: 2 Tancred met Alexios I after the fall of Nicaea. After accepting thr surrender of Nicaea, Boutoumites also persuaded the crusader leaders to return to Pelekanos, especially those who had not yet taken an oath to Alexios. Bohemond was enthused (as always) by Boutoumites' promises of gifts from Alexios, and tried to persuade Tancred, one of those who had not sworn, to take the oath; Tancred was the last to hold out. He claimed Bohemond was his only lord, to whom he would be faithful till death. He is said to have lectured Alexios on the kind of honest leadership required for him to gain Tancred as a willing adherent. Pressured by Alexios' relatives, he said he would swear if given the imperial tent, maybe full of money, plus the sum of all Alexios' other gifts. Georgios Palaiologos, fiercely loyal to Alexios, found Tancred's reaction hypocritical, and jostled him contemptuously. Tancred went for him, but Bohemond stopped Tancred, saying it was wrong to insult imperial relatives; Alexios also intervened. Ralph of Caen said that Tancred and Alexios parted on bad terms, and that Bohemond (and Tancred too) had in some way to break free from an imperial messenger [from discussions, or greater limitations on their freedom?] before leaving with the other crusaders
Certainty: 3 A nun from Trier was forced to live with a Turk, freed at the fall of Nicaea, but returned to him. A nun from Trier had been captured with the army of Peter the Hermit at Kibotos, and made to live with a Turkish man, but freed at the fall of Nicaea. When her case was examined, she sought forgiveness for unchaste acts performed under duress, calling on Henry of Esch, who knew her, for aid. Henry recognised her and persuaded Godfrey of Bouillon to pity her. She was pardoned on the advice of Adhemar of le Puy; but she seems to have returned to the Turk when he promised conversion and marriage
Certainty: 2 Gift to Alexios I of young Turkish prisoner Ioannes Axouch. He was taken prisoner at the capture of Nicaea, given to Alexios I, and become the friend and playmate of Ioannes II
Certainty: 3 Crusaders left Nicaea, divided into two armies to ease problems of supply. As the crusaders said farewell to Alexios, he gave them Tatikios with the force under his command, on one hand to help and protect them in all circumstances, on the other to take over from them any fortresses they captured. In case there were westerners who did not want to go further on the crusade, Alexios sent Boutoumites to hire them for the garrison of Nicaea. Because the way ahead was barren and Kilic Arslan was preparing to stop them, Ralph of Caen states that they took plenty of food. The crusaders left Nicaea on June 29, and at a bridge soon after (near Leukai) decided to divide the army because of problems of supplies. Ralph of Caen wonders whether this was an accident later rationalised as a strategy. Bohemond, Tancred, Robert of Normandy, Stephen of Blois and (perhaps) Hugh of Vermandois went to the left and others to the right, finally camping 2 miles apart. The sources are not clear on the location of Hugh of Vermandois ans Robert of Flanders. Bohemond's army marched a little more quickly than the other. Fulcher of Chartres (who was present in Bohemond's division) noticed the absence of half the crusaders and their men, but did not know the reason
Certainty: 3 Battle of Dorylaion, stage 1: army of Bohemond surrounded. The half of the divided army led by Bohemond (including Tancred, Robert of Normandy and Stephen of Blois) was attacked at daybreak near Dorylaion by Kilic Arslan, who had recouped his strength after the battle outside Nicaea, gathering noble allies from 30 days' journey around. His army was all on horseback, and nearly all archers. It is uncertain from the sources whether the attackers realised that they were only dealing with half the crusaders. The Turks were able to surround Bohemond's forces, so that the knights were left free, but the foot-soldiers and non-combatants (including women) were at the mercy of the attackers. Bohemond and Robert of Normandy were marshalling the crusader ranks. Tancred was fighting desperately among the enemy, from where he was extricated, against his will, by Bohemond, who was trying to keep the army together. Robert of Paris and William Marchesius, Tancred's brother, were killed. The over-confident count who had sat on Alexios' throne made an unsuccessful charge. Bohemond found the best available defensive position and sent off a messenger at a gallop to summon the rest of the army, but was losing heavily and close to defeat
Certainty: 3 Battle of Dorylaion, stage 2: arrival of second army led to a crusader victory. As Bohemond's half of the army was in difficulties, the cavalry of the other half appeared, led by Godfrey of Bouillon and his brothers Baldwin and Eustace, Raymond of Toulouse and Hugh of Vermandois, who had all galloped off at great speed as soon as they heard of the problem. Hugh was the first to arrive, and began to turn the tide of battle. The struggle was taken up by Robert of Flanders, and then decisive blows were struck by Duke Godfrey, but were limited by a nearby mountain. Finally Hugh and Godfrey scaled the the mountain and were joined by Raymond of Toulouse to clear the enemy from it, so that they were fleeing all over the field. The battle lasted from the second to the eighth hour of day, and ended in a crusader victory. Kilic Arslan's army, especially in cavalry, was far larger than that of the crusaders. His losses were both more numerous and more prominent than those of the crusaders, who mainly lost common people. Adhemar and the clerics did much to raise morale, while the following specially distinguished themselves in the fighting: Baldwin of Boulogne, Baldwin of Bourcq, Baldwin of Mons, Galo of Calvo Monte, Gaston of Bearn, Gerard of Quierzy (who ran through a powerful Turk), Rainald of Beauvais, Thomas of La Fere, Walo of Chaumont, Ruthard son of Godfrey, Gaston of Beziers and Rodolph [Hugh of Vermandois was probably the first to attack from the second division of the army, though he is also reported to have been in the first; Robert of Flanders is sometimes recorded as playing the role generally assigned to Robert of Normandy in the first division, though its is implied elsewhere that he was one of those galloping up from the second. This account owes much to that of Ralph of Caen, the most detailed but also the most poetic of medieval versions.]
Certainty: 3 Godfrey of Bouillon injured by a bear at Antioch in Pisidia. The main army reached Antioch in Pisidia. There, while Godfrey of Bouillon was out hunting, he saw a poor pilgrim being chased by a huge bear. He intervened to save the man, but in the process injured himself with his own sword, and thus fell prey to the bear. He continued to defend himself till Husechin arrived, and they were able to kill the bear. The pilgrim alerted the whole army, who came to see their wounded leader. Godfrey was badly injured, lost a lot of blood and could not for some time play his full role in the crusade
Certainty: 3 Other crusader battles in crossing Asia Minor. Two Turkish leaders, the emirs Hasan and Tanisman (probably the Danishmend Malik Ghazi Gumustegin), barred the way of the crusaders, probably at Herakleia. They were attacked immediately, Bohemond leading the charge. The Turks soon withdrew. [Anna Komnene has little idea of the course and location of this battle]
Certainty: 3 Severe illness of Raymond of Toulouse. Raymond of Toulouse fell seriously ill and was carried on a litter, so close to death that he was given the last rites by William, bishop of Orange. At the universal supplication of the crusaders, God had mercy and he recovered
Certainty: 3 Main crusader army rested at Mar'ash. While Baldwin, brother of Godfrey of Bouillon, and Tancred operated separately in Cilicia, the main army reached Mar'ash and rested for a time. Godfrey there lost to sickness Baldwin's wife Godehilde of Tosny, who had been entrusted to his care in Baldwin's absence, and his own steward Udelard of Wissant. According to William of Tyre, Baldwin of Boulogne returned to Mar'ash from Cilicia to see how his brother Godfrey was recovering from his injuries. He was reprimanded by Godfrey for his behaviour to Tancred. Bohemond said nothing out of respect for Godfrey
Certainty: 3 Tancred descended into Cilicia & liberated Tarsos .
While the other leaders followed the long route to Antioch, Tancred decided to be more direct, and with a tiny force, considering the populous areas he was attacking. At Antioch in Pisidia, with Richard of the Principate and Robert of Anzi, he went ahead to Philimelion, Ikonion and Herakleia, then entered Cilicia over the Cilician Gates, besieging the imposing city of Tarsos. He tricked some of its army into an ambush. An Armenian friend of his failed to have the citizens open their gates, but persuaded them to fly his standard to show they would surrender to Bohemond when he arrived. He besieged the city and forced the Turkish garrison to flee [Ralph of Caen: this happened later in other versions]. He was hailed as a liberator by the Christians, and apparently allowed into the city, but not its defensive towers
Certainty: 3 Baldwin of Boulogne & Tancred in Cilicia: Tarsos. At this point a substantial army was seen approaching Tarsos. Tancred at once moved against it, but found it was that of Baldwin of Boulogne. Each army thought the other was Turkish. Baldwin, with Peter of Astenois, Reinhard of Toul, Baldwin of Rethel, and Gilbert of Montclair, as well as Norman troops under Cono of Montaigu, had also left the main army near Antioch in Pisidia and reached Cilicia by a longer route, having lost their way and run short of food. Tancred entertained them in a spirit of sharing, but Baldwin began to insist on a superior position, even claiming that Tancred's military success at Tarsus was due to his own threatening approach. The next day Baldwin became jealous of Tancred's standard over the city and they nearly came to blows. There was competition over the size of forces and the power of their respective sponsors, Bohemond and Godfrey. At first, Bohemond's reputation was the more formidable, but Baldwin's army was larger, so his standard replaced Tancred's and the latter felt quite baffled how to respond. He left for Adana. Baldwin was later let into two towers of Tarsos, which he garrisoned with the help of Guynemer of Boulogne and his pirate fleet, which appeared in the harbour. Baldwin excluded from Tarsos 300 of Bohemond's men, reinforcements for Tancred, who camped outside and as a result were massacred by the Turks of Tarsos who chose that night to escape; this made Baldwin unpopular, even with his own men
Certainty: 3 Baldwin of Boulogne & Tancred in Cilicia: Mopsuestia. [Ralph of Caen's text is defective at this point, and also differs from other sources: Ralph makes Ursinus ruler of Adana, the others Welf; Ralph makes the fighting between Christians a series of challenges to single combat, while the others narrate an organised battle. Though the dramatis personae are similar, it is hard to reconcile the accounts into a single version]. Tancred went to Adana, ruled by the Burgundian Welf, another independent crusader, who first kept him out, then let him in at a price. [Adana was ruled by Ursinus, who told how he had emancipated the Armenians of the town]. Tancred then left Adana to attack Mopsuestia, and captured it after some resistance, slaughtering the Turkish defenders and demolishing the walls. But then Baldwin again came and camped in a nearby garden. He left Tarsos because he was already comparing the possibilities of Tell Bashir and Edessa. He had difficulty in finding a way over poorly maintained local bridges. He was forced to stay for a time at Mopsuestia by the severe illness of Cono of Montaigu. He asked Tancred for peace and good market conditions for buying food; surprisingly, Tancred granted them, despite fury over Baldwin's previous behaviour. Richard of the Principate and Robert of Anzi incited Tancred to attack Baldwin in revenge for the loss of Tarsos, calling him a coward; but his men were outnumbered and driven back into the town. Richard and Robert, with Gilbert of Montclair and Giselbert of Clermont from Baldwin's army, were captured in a sharp battle at a narrow bridge outside Mopsuestia. [Only Richard is mentioned as captured, as the result of a single combat; Richard and Cono then helped make peace]. Next day, all prisoners were freed and the two sides grieved for the fallen and were reconciled, remembering their crusading vows. Baldwin went to Mar'ash (or maybe directly to the east?), losing Peter of Astenois and Reinhard of Toul to the main army
Certainty: 3 Tancred made further conquests in Cilicia. After Baldwin of Boulogne left him at Mopsuestia, Tancred conquered the Castle of the Maidens, he captured and destroyed the Castle of the Shepherds, and also demolished the Castle of the Young Men, all strongholds in the Turkish mountains. He also captured Alexandretta, demolishing its gates and walls, and destroyed smaller places in the mountains which had caused trouble; he killed most of the Turks he found, captured others, but was willing to be bought off. Strengthened by the rest of Guynemer's fleet, he overwhelmed the whole of Cilicia, and became rich by extorting money from nervous Armenian and Turkish rulers in the mountains. He was much envied
Certainty: 3 Robert of Flanders sent off to liberate Artah. By a decision of the council of crusaders at Mar'ash, Robert of Flanders was sent off to liberate Artah, a town rich in supplies, whose Christian inhabitants were oppressed by the Turks. He took with him 1000 knights, including Robert of Roseto, Roger of Rozoy and Gozelo of Montaigu. At the start of the siege, the Turks retired to the citadel, but were killed by Armenians and other Christians, who opened the gates to the crusaders. A major Turkish force soon came from Antioch to recapture Artah, but Robert defended it till the main crusading army arrived; his men were drawn into an ambush by Turkish provocation, but managed to return to the city and beat off an assault but with heavy losses. Gozelo of Montaigu fell sick and died at Artah. A similar story is told by Ralph of Caen about Artah, but with Tancred and Baldwin of Boulogne as protagonists. Baldwin came first, captured Artah but was himself besieged by forces from Antioch. When Tancred arrived, the enemy at first thought his army stronger than it was, and withdrew; then they sent more troops and tried to trap the Latins [cf. the ambush set for Robert of Flanders.] Baldwin and Tancred were no more able to cooperate than they had been in Cilicia. The Latins were defeated by Turkish bowmen in a battle, and had to endure a siege. Finally Baldwin took over Artah, then went off to the east with Cono of Montaigu and Airard. Tancred was involved in obscure skirmishing in the area. [The involvement of Tancred is not impossible, but Baldwin had probably left earlier for the Euphrates. Ralph does not mention Robert of Flanders. Cono of Montaigu is included by others in the sieges of Antioch and Jerusalem]
Certainty: 3 Baldwin of Boulogne went off east into Armenian lands, & captured castles. Pakrad the Armenian, whom Baldwin of Boulogne had captured at Nicaea, was constantly telling Baldwin to take some troops and go with him to a region which he could occupy easily with a few men. At last Baldwin did so, going north to a rich area, inhabited by Armenians, with a small force and Pakrad as his guide and the historian Fulcher of Chartres as his chaplain. He besieged Tell Bashir, and its Armenian poulation overthrew the Turks and submitted to him, as a Christian; he took Ravendel in a similar way and other places. He made Pakrad governor of Ravendel. But he received reports from other Armenian allies, Fer and Nichosios, of Pakrad's treachery with the Turks against Alexios I. They advised him to dismiss Pakrad as governor. Baldwin, knowing his trickery, was persuaded. He asked Pakrad to return Ravendel, but he stubbornly refused. Finally he demanded its return, and tortured him, to force him to give it up. Eventually only the threat of being torn apart made Pakrad send a message, via Fer, to his son, who was guarding Ravendel, to hand it over to Baldwin. Pakrad was freed from imprisonment, but excluded from Baldwin's circle. Baldwin garissoned Ravendel with his own men, and went on consolidating his power in the neighbourhood
Certainty: 3 Crusaders arrived at Antioch: positions of contingents in siege.
As the crusaders approached Antioch, its ruler, Yaghi Siyan, sought help from eastern allies, his pleas seconded by Kilic Arslan I; many supplies and materials were gathered near Antioch, with refugee reinforcements. Alexios I was rumoured to be about to send a large army, but the crusaders decided not to wait for him, or for another rumoured crusade. They began the siege on October 18, Bohemond and Tatikios arriving at the head of the army. They camped opposite the Gate of St Paul, on the east side of the city, with Robert of Normandy, Robert of Flanders, Stephen of Blois, Stephen of Aumale, Hugh of St Pol and Hugh of Vermandois, covering the wall up to the Gate of the Dog. Raymond of Toulouse and Adhemar of Le Puy camped opposite the Gate of the Dog to the north-east, covering the wall down to the Gate of the Duke and Godfrey of Bouillon. The latter camped from the gate of the Duke to the north, covering the wall up to the Gate of the Bridge with his brother Eustace and Baldwin of Hainault, Reinhard of Toul and Cono of Montaigu. To save swimming across the river when foraging, a bridge of boats was built near Godfrey's camp, opposite the Gate of the Duke. Raymond and Adhemar were exposed to sorties from the Gate of the Dog over a stone bridge. To stop this they tried vainly to destroy the bridge, or to guard it with a wooden tower or missiles from siege engines. The gate was finally blocked with stones and trees
Certainty: 3 Sale by siblings Ioannes & Maria to Konstantinos Triphyles of vineyard & field at Thessalonike. The brother and sister Ioannes and Maria were left property by their parents: from their mother, a vineyard of around 3 modioi at Marmarosyrtes (near Thessalonike), from their father the priest Demetrios a house in the quarter of Asomatoi (inside the city). They sold the vineyard and a field to their neighbour, Konstantinos Triphylles, for 45 nomismata. The contract of sale was drafted by the priest and notarios Michael Kazikes, and signed by him on his own behalf, and for Theodoros the furrier (Maria's husband) and Ioannes Armenes, protos of the kamelaukia-makers of Thessalonike. The contract was also signed by Katharos, presbyter of Kyrtou, Nikolaos tou Starou, deacon, Leon Synadenos, furrier and Stephanos Argyros, primikerios of the nomikoi
Certainty: 2 Absence of Robert of Normandy from Antioch, helping the English at Laodikeia. Robert of Normandy probably left the siege of Antioch before Christmas for a considerable time [it is impossible to be precise over dates: mention of his presence on some subsequent occasions may well be mere formulaic listing of the leaders]. He went to Laodikeia which was occupied by English troops loyal to Alexios I, in the hope of leading them. He spent his time in relaxation, though he did distribute some of the food which was plentiful there. He had to be summoned back three times, finally with threats of anathema, before he returned to Antioch
Certainty: 3 Foraging & ambushes during the siege of Antioch. Turkish ambushes killed several prominent crusaders in the orchard outside the Gate of the Duke, especially Adelbero, son of the count of Luxembourg, and the noblewoman with whom he was playing dice, and Arnulf of Tirs. Godfrey was furious at these losses in the area he was supposed to be defending, and had the orchard cut down. Because of the increasing famine in the army outside Antioch, the council of the crusaders decided that Bohemond and Robert of Flanders should go foraging, while Raymond and Adhemar of le Puy stayed in the camp. Bohemond and Robert twice collected considerable plunder, but were unable to get enough food back to the camp to last long: Turkish troops were able to surround the raiding parties and remove their booty. Tancred caused problems for Turkish foraging: he encouraged the Antiochenes to come out and forage at night in large numbers, then struck, killing 700 of them; he sent Adhemar a tithe of 70 heads, for which he gained a cash reward, so he could pay his debts. He also fought three Turks in combat on his own, observed by his squire, and killed them all
Certainty: 1 Patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos excommunicated Athonite monks committing certain crimes. The patriarch Nikolaos Grammatikos ordered the excommunication of any Athonite monks who had committed certain crimes, together with anybody who came into contact with them. The crimes concerned involved the allowing of children and beardless youths on the Holy Mountain
Certainty: 3 Baldwin of Boulogne arrived at Edessa. When Baldwin of Boulogne moved into the Armenian areas, the region as far as the Euphrates became his within a few days, as the Christians gave him the fortified towns and the Turks left; his name became so powerful that even Christian princes became his vassals, up to Edessa. His renown as Christian liberator reached Edessa so strongly that its rulers asked him to intervene there, with the good will of the aged Byzantine governor Thoros, who could not protect them against the Turks. Baldwin accepted the invitation, crossing the Euphrates with a few knights, leaving others to garrison the towns he had acquired; he sheltered from the Turks of Samosata in the town of a local Armenian ruler, who had to suffer a Turkish raid. Baldwin was received with great ceremony in Edessa. Thoros brought Baldwin to Edessa by promising an equal share of all revenues till his own death, and all susbsequent revenues, but now he offered fair annual pay. Baldwin refused to serve for a wage and prepared to leave; but the populace intervened
Certainty: 3 Departure of Tatikios from siege of Antioch, fearing to he murdered by anti-Byzantine leaders. Tatikios, Alexios I's representative on the crusade, proposed that the crusaders should harry Antioch only, going to winter in nearby cities, till Alexios sent an army in spring. When this was rejected, he left the camp. He gave an impression that he would return, leaving his tents and most of his men, saying he would go to Cyprus to improve the food supply: but crusader sources find this hard to believe. Anna Komnene says that he was frightened off by Bohemond, who wanted Antioch for himself: Bohemond told him of rumours that Tatikios was about to be killed by anti-Byzantine crusaders, who believed that Kerbogha was sent by Alexios
Certainty: 3 Envoys (probably mythical) from Egypt announced capture of Jerusalem & fought against Ridwan. The ruler of Egypt, hearing of the crusaders' plans during the siege of Antioch sent 15 multilingual envoys to announce his recapture of Jerusalem and plans to restore Christianity and even to consider conversion for himself. His treaty with the crusaders would survive even if he did not convert; his envoys urged the crusaders to defend the rights of Alexios 1 before leaving Antioch. His envoys took part in the cavalry battle against a relief army [of Ridwan of Aleppo], and were conducted (with rich gifts) to the port of St Symeon by a party which took supplies back to Antioch and only just escaped destruction in an ambush
Certainty: 3 Defeat of Muslim army sent by Ridwan of Aleppo to relieve Antioch. At the prompting of Yaghi Siyan of Antioch, Ridwan of Aleppo (not named) gathered a substantial army to relieve Antioch. Godfrey of Bouillon and Adhemar of le Puy took the lead in organising the defence. Bohemond's Turkish godson and Walter of Domedart were the scouts who tracked the approach of the enemy. Since the number of fit horses was limited (some were away at distant pastures), they gathered a select cavalry force, whose commanders were Bohemond, Godfrey, Stephen of Blois, Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, Roger of Barneville and Tancred. They concealed their small numbers by having many standards appearing from behind a small hill on the battlefield, suggesting an ambush. A sudden attack in God's name was successful, scattering the Muslim army and winning plunder and fit horses. Conan of Lamballe, mentioned as the only significant crusader casualty, appears in other sources later in the story
Certainty: 3 A moral crusade among the besiegers coincided with an improvement in Duke Godfrey's health. At a moment of despair among the crusaders, Adhemar of le Puy adopted a religious solution to problems of the army at Antioch, holding a fast (when there was no food), banning prostitutes and illicit sex, intoxication, dangerous games, swearing and fraud, with stiff penalties, which were applied. At the same moment Duke Godfrey's health improved, causing a major boost in confidence. He and Raymond of Toulouse went out on separate foraging expeditions, but the local people had now learned how to hide their supplies and little was brought back
Certainty: 3 Vain ambush by defenders of Antioch to seize building materials coming from St Symeon. A group was sent to the coast to escort Egyptian envoys, and return with pilgrims [building materials] from a Genoese [British] fleet: they were Bohemond, Raymond of Toulouse, Everard of Le Puiset and Garnier of Grez. When ambushed, they fought well but had to leave hundreds of pilgrims [the building materials] to their fate. There was a rumour in the main army that all had been massacred. Godfrey of Bouillon gathered the whole army for revenge, appointing as leaders Robert of Normandy, Robert of Flanders, Hugh of Vermandois and Eustace of Boulogne, speaking inspiringly. Bohemond and Raymond then arrived alive to a tearful welcome. Godfrey's plan, approved by Bohemond and Raymond, was to ambush the Turkish ambushers near Antioch; under determined attack the Turks were routed, while Godfrey waited by the gate and cut them off from the city. Yaghi-Siyan inside Antioch rejoiced at the crusader defeat, but soon realised it was being overturned. He collected all those in the city at the Gate of the Bridge for a sortie to help. For a time he shut the gate, to encourage resistance, but Turkish losses were such that he had to open it again; more troops drowned in a panic-stricken crossing of the bridge [Note: this probably conflates two events in the siege]
Certainty: 3 Revolt of Armenians against (orthodox) Thoros of Edessa gave power there to Baldwin as count. Thoros had invited and welcomed Baldwin, but later became grudging and jealous. Hearing that Baldwin would leave, the people of Edessa insisted that Thoros retain him at any cost. Feeling it dangerous to object, he publicly adopted Baldwin as his son and heir, with half revenues till his own death. But Thoros was still unpopular. His age and weakness made him less attractive to the Edessenes than Baldwin, especially as in the past he had extorted money by recourse to the Turks. A powerful noble, Konstantinos, was called on to have Thoros killed in favour of Baldwin. The crowd besieged Thoros' house, and he in terror sought Baldwin's help, offering rich payment. However, despite Baldwin's efforts, the crowd would not be calmed. When Baldwin suggested that Thoros do what he could to save his life, he tried to escape by climbing down a rope, but he was shot with many arrows and his corpse mutilated. Baldwin was ceremonially appointed in his place
Certainty: 3 Birth of Zoe (daughter of Alexios I). Another daughter, Zoe, was born to Alexios I
Certainty: 3 Guynemer of Boulogne captured Laodikeia, but was defeated & imprisoned by imperial troops. Guynemer of Boulogne, the ex-pirate, left the crusaders at Mopsuestia, and later sailed to Laodikeia, which he besieged and took. But the troops of Alexios I recaptured the city and imprisoned him. The crusaders at Antioch got no benefit from his fleet, indeed knew nothing of events. His fleet was confiscated. Godfrey of Bouillon arrived later and asked the Byzantines of Laodikeia to release him and return the fleet, which they did. Guynemer followed Godfrey's orders to shadow the army down the coast
Certainty: 3 Yaghi Siyan of Antioch sent his son with Kilic Arslan to Khorasan to seek help. Yaghi Siyan of Antioch held a council after the crusader victory on the bridge. Kilic Arslan I was sent to Khorasan to seek help from the Sultan (Barkiyaruq, not named in Western sources) and his deputy Kerbogha, taking Shams al-Dawla, Copatrix, Adorsonius and 12 legates. Kilic Arslan was to seek help on his journey from Ridwan and Pulagit, allies of Yaghi Siyan, then to confirm information taken to Khorasan by Buldagis when the siege began; he received sealed letters confirming his appeal. The sultan treated Kilic Arslan's narrative with mirth, thinking the Turks irresistable and his losses derisory. But Yaghi Siyan's letters listed crusader kingdoms and armies, so the Sultan took him seriously and called a meeting of his amirs. Kerbogha too disbelieved the words of Kilic Arslan, Shams al-Dawla and Buldagis, remembering the battle of Kibotos (at which he claimed to have been present), where the prowess of Peter the Hermit and his men proved limited. Kilic Arslan replied by distinguishing the Byzantines and the troops of Peter from hardened crusaders who were well-armed, confident, good cavalry, able to besiege fortresses, industrious and with stamina. Kerbogha responded briefly that he would exterminate the crusaders in six months, and immediately began to order men, equipment and supplies for a massive expedition. He summoned Pulagit, Ridwan of Aleppo, Duqaq of Damascus, Amasa of Niz, Boesas, Amasa of Curzh, Balas of Saruj, Balduk of Samosata and Karageth. They were to appear with full equipment on the appointed day. Other sources add Janah al-Dawla and Waththab b. Mahmud, and make the meeting place Marj Dabiq
Certainty: 3 Two castles completed the blockade of Antioch, preventing large-scale importation of food. With building materials saved from the ambush, two castles were built outside Antioch to prevent the large-scale importation of food. One was on a hill above Bohemond's camp, guarded by the men of Hugh the Great, the other on a hill outside the west gate of Antioch. No crusader wanted the responsibility of manning this fort: Tancred was chosen, but pleaded poverty. Therefore Raymond gave him 300 marks for building the fort and 40 per month for its maintainance. Tancred successfully kept it up till the end of the siege. A noble Turkish youth was captured, and negotiations began to win entry to Antioch as his ransom. However Shams al-Dawla, son of Yaghi Siyan, got to hear of the affair and stopped it. The youth was therefore tortured and executed. The forts and the defat of the army of Ridwan raised the spectre of starvation in the city. Yaghi Siyan commandeered half of all private grain supplies for military use
Certainty: 3 Money, horses, weapons & supplies sent from Edessa to the besiegers of Antioch. Baldwin of Edessa sent money, horses, weapons and supplies to the crusaders at Antioch, via his secretary Gerard. Particular beneficiaries were Baldwin's brother, Godfrey of Bouillon, who received all the revenues of Tell Bashir, Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy and Raymond of Toulouse
Certainty: 2 Leaders of the besiegers established themselves in surrounding areas to gain food. At a moment of starvation, the leaders naturally tried to occupy food-producing areas from which they could bring regular supplies to the besiegers. Most of the areas seem to have been fertile valleys, though not all the settlement names my be identified
Certainty: 3 Baldwin of Edessa won Samosata & Saruj. When Baldwin took over at Edessa, the first demand of the populace was to attack Balduk of Samosata, to free them from exploitation and liberate their child hostages. He distributed weapons and attacked. After several assaults he decided the defences were too strong and withdrew, leaving knights in a nearby fort to harry the defenders. His energy so impressed Balduk that he offered him Samosata at a huge price; pondering its defensive strength, he bought it, recovering the hostages and winning admiration and loyalty at Edessa. He also besieged Saruj, ruled by the emir Balas, who had harmed Edessa. Baldwin attacked the walls with engines, so that the defenders made peace on guarantee of safety. He garrisoned Saruj, imposed a yearly tribute and returned to Edessa in triumph. Balas tried to capture Baldwin by a trick, but in fact took twelve knights, many of whom escaped with the aid of Fulcher, the governor of Saruj. Balduk promised to bring his family to live in Edessa, but constantly delayed, with excuses. Baldwin beheaded him, to encourage the keeping of promises
Certainty: 3 Disastrous crusade of Sven of Denmark. Sven of Denmark passionately wanted to join the crusade, but he set out late and had private problems, so that he did not catch up. He reached Constantinople, was well received by Alexios I, and continued safely to Nicaea. He hurried on to help in the siege of Antioch. But continuing on his separate journey he camped without adequate care betwen Philomelion and Ferma (?). Attacked in his sleep by a large force of Turks, he awoke, but too late, and was massacred with his men - though they inflicted heavy losses. A noblewoman, Florina of Burgundy, was with him and died in the massacre
Certainty: 3 Death of Usama's uncle, 'Izz al-Dawla Nasr, lord of Shayzar; accession of his uncle Sultan.
Certainty: 3 Kerbogha of Mosul, en route to save Antioch, spent three weeks in a vain attempt to capture Edessa. Baldwin of Edessa, hearing that Kerbogha of Mosul had been sent by a Persian prince with a vast polyglot army to save Antioch and destroy the crusaders, prepared Edessa with food, weapons and men for a siege. Baldwin held out successfully for three weeks, when Kerbogha was persuaded to abandon the siege and go on to Antioch. By giving the crusaders time to capture Antioch Baldwin saved them, without going there in person
Certainty: 3 Assembly of crusading chiefs decided to try to capture Antioch, not go to meet Kerbogha. An anxious meeting of crusader chiefs discussed the threat posed by Kerbogha, news of whose approach had been gathered by Clarembald of Vendeuil, Drogo of Nesle, Ivo of Gransmesnil and Reinhard of Toul. The leaders debated whether to go to meet them in battle, or stay and try to capture Antioch. The dilemma was solved by Bohemond
Certainty: 3 Byzantine preparations for participation in crusade: capture of Smyrna but assassination of governor. Alexios I was keen to join the crusaders at Antioch, but could not leave the coast of Asia Minor behind him in Turkish hands. He sent Ioannes Doukas to Abydos, where he made Kaspax commander of the fleet whilst he himself took over the land forces. He was given the captive daughter of Chaka (wife of Kilic Arslan I), and caused despair by using her to prove the capture of Nicaea. Kaspax was promised rule in Smyrna if Byzantine forces took it; they did, and he was made doux of Smyrna by Ioannes, but was soon assassinated by a Syrian Saracen. The Syrian had been accused by an inhabitant of Smyrna of stealing money; as he was brought into court he panicked and stabbed Kaspax in the stomach, then wounded his brother in the thigh. He escaped himself but provoked a major massacre by the sailors in Smyrna. Ioannes Doukas directed his attention to restoring order in Smyrna after the assassination and the massacre, and appointed Hyaleas as doux
Certainty: 3 Poverty & squabbles in the siege of Antioch. Raymond of Toulouse, despite his reputation for meanness, funded Tancred to build a fort and gave money to Adhemar for fresh horses for the army; in particular, after much pleading, he gave Godfrey a horse to ride in the battle. Godfrey himself fed Hartmann of Dillingen and Henry of Esch, who might otherwise have starved to death. Robert of Flanders, depite his military prowess, was often reduced to begging for a horse. A representative of Alexios I played a role in getting food from Byzantine islands, especially Cyprus. At another level, Nichosios, an Armenian governor, out of respect for Baldwin of Edessa, sent a beautiful pavilion to Godfrey, which was siezed by Pakrad and converted into a gift from himself to Bohemond. Godfrey learned the truth and, taking his friend Robert of Flanders, went to see Bohemond to sort out the affair. He would later have revenge on Pakrad
Certainty: 3 Ioannes Doukas defeated the defenders of Ephesos, taking many prisoners, who were put on the islands. Ioannes Doukas left the fleet at Smyrna and marched with the land forces on Ephesos, where he immediately attacked. He defeated the amirs (satraps) of Ephesos Tangripermes and Marakes after a battle lasting most of a day, inflicting many casualties and taking two thousand prisoners, who on the orders of Alexios I were scattered among the islands. Ioannes left Petzeas as governor of Ephesos
Certainty: 2 Stephen of Blois left the siege of Antioch: other major desertions. At the rumours of the arrival of Kerbogha of Mosul, Stephen of Blois left camp with his large company, pretending sickness, and went to Alexandretta or Tarsos, in Cilicia, saying he would recuperate and return. In fact, he was hedging his bets: if the crusaders were victorious, he would go back to camp as cured; if they were defeated, he had ships ready to take him home. Other leaders pitied him for incurring disgrace, but decreed punishment and perpetual infamy for any who followed his example. However several significant leaders were able to make their escape while they could: Aubrey of Grandmesnil, Guy Trousseau, Lambert the Poor, William the Carpenter of Melun and William of Grandmesnil. Their tents were turned into public latrines. They met Stephen of Blois, and tended to exaggerate the horrors of the siege in order to justify their own desertion
Certainty: 3 Bohemond revealed his negotiations over the surrender of Antioch. Bohemond made a revelation [in different ways in nearly every different source] that he was in contact with Firuz, an Armenian high in the administration of Antioch, who was willing to betray the city for money and estates. [The reasons for Firuz's extreme disaffection also vary from source to source.] But he would only betray Antioch to Bohemond himself, whom he had learned to trust, as sole ruler. [Fulcher of Chartres makes the traitor a Turk, visited by visions of the Christian God. Ralph of Caen makes him a Christian convert to Islam.] Firuz would not run the risk for any others unknown to him. He would need to be paid a huge sum of money; Bohemond's Turkish godson (also called Bohemond) had played a major role in negotiations, and would also need substantial payment, which could only be guaranteed if the city was given to his godfather. Bohemond took the other major leaders aside and demanded that this plan be put into action. Firuz's proviso, that Bohemond alone rule Antioch, won the assent of Godfrey, Robert of Normandy, Robert of Flanders and Hugh of Vermandois; but William of Tyre makes Raymond of Toulouse refuse, causing a dangerous delay. No alternative proposals were forthcoming. [In some sources the city was offered as a prize to whichever crusader was responsible for its capture, which brought the same result.]
Certainty: 3 Surrender of Antioch by treachery to Bohemond; sack of the city. Bohemond, confirmed in possession of Antioch despite the dissent of Raymond of Toulouse, had to act quickly. He proposed to Firuz that the plan be activated the following night. Firuz had just been confirmed (in one of several ways) in his decision to betray Antioch, and made a detailed plan: the next day all leaders should march out as if to face Kerbogha, but return after nightfall, to act around midnight. The boy brought the plan to a meeting of chiefs, and it was approved. Firuz was called for questioning by Yaghi Siyan, but diverted suspicion. He discovered that his brother did not support him, so he murdered him. The attackers were guided through the mountains to the right spot by Bohemond's Turkish godson, and preparations were quietly made in Greek, via a translator. When the guard had done his rounds, Firuz called the crusaders up a rope ladder into his tower. Bohemond climbed first, then Tancred [unlikely] and Robert of Flanders [or, in another version Gouel (Fulcher) of Chartres]. The Franks moved from tower to tower, then through the city, killing and looting. Few Muslims survived, and local Christians too were at risk. Anna Komnene's version has not been given credence: when Antioch was taken, the Turks fled out of another gate, where they were pursued and injured by Tancred. At dinner that night, Bohemond, observed by Robert of Flanders and Eustace of Boulogne, performed a miracle with a candle, signifying the untimely death of Bohemond II
Certainty: 2 The fate of Yaghi Siyan & his family. Before the wife of Yaghi Siyan awoke on the morning of the capture of Antioch, she was found and captured by William of Montpellier, together with her two grandchildren by her son Shams al-Dawla. The three were later ransomed by Shams al-Dawla himself, at the price of 3,000 bezants. Yaghi Siyan fled from the city as soon as he heard the cry from the mountain which meant that the Franks had entered. He assumed that the citadel too had been taken. He escaped with a group of other refugees, but all were to be killed. He was beheaded by one or more Armenians or Syrian Christians, and his head was returned to the Franks in the city. News of the murder reached the towns of 'Imm and Innib so that the Muslim population fled, and Armenians took over their property
Certainty: 3 Kerbogha of Mosul encamped outside Antioch. Kerbogha of Mosul arrived after failure at Edessa, leaving little time to prepare the city after its capture, as the area's resources had been consumed in the long siege. When Kerbogha and the Syrian leaders heard of the fall of Antioch but the survival of the citadel in Muslim hands, they quickened their pace. An initial skirmish killed Roger of Barneville, avenged by Tancred. Kerbogha's army filled the region, and gradually cut off all ingress and egress. Ahmad b. Marwan was put in charge of the citadel as Kerbogha's governor. Kerbogha attacked the fort near the east gate and beat off an attempt by Godfrey of Bouillon to help it. He could not camp on the mountain for lack of fodder, but began a tight siege from the plain. Some Turks climbed a tower, and were desperately beaten off by Henry of Esch, with Franco and Sigemar of Mechelen
Certainty: 3 Ioannes Doukas left Ephesos & captured Sardis & Philadelphia, reaching Laodikeia. In his continuing pursuit of the Turkish survivors from the battle at Ephesos, Ioannes Doukas captured Sardis & Philadelphia, where he appointed Michael Kekaumenos as governor. He then went on to Laodikeia, where the populace willingly ceded him the town. He left them in charge of their own affairs, not even appointing a governor
Certainty: 3 Ioannes Doukas took Choma & Lampe & defeated the Turkish survivors at Polybotos. Leaving Sardis and Philadelphia, Ioannes Doukas followed the defeated Turks from Ephesos, taking Choma and Lampe en route. He made Eustathios Kamytzes strategos of Lampe. He finally caught the Turks at Polybotos, where they were unloading their baggage. He killed many and won a good deal of booty
Certainty: 3 Alexios I retreated from Philomelion after bad news from Antioch & warnings of a Turkish invasion. Alexios I had to leave to reinforce Antioch before Ioannes Doukas returned from his expedition to the coastal cities. He arrived at Philomelion with a large army of his own, plus many Latins who for various reasons had not travelled with the crusade. Stephen of Blois (with some later deserters including William of Grandmesnil, William the Carpenter and Petros Aliphas) found him there, having put into a suitable port, and was greeted as an old friend. Stephen, partly in self-justification, painted a very black picture of the situation at Antioch, using as evidence the withdrawal of Tatikios and the first-hand report of William of Grandmesnil, and giving a graphic idea of the size of Kerbogha's army. Bohemond's brother Guy of Hauteville protested, but was silenced by William. Alexios' first reaction was to plan a swift march to Antioch: but then, hearing of another huge army from Chorasan marching against him under Ishmael, the sultan's son, he decided with his advisors to turn back; he took with him most of the population of the Philomelion area and devastated border provinces to provide an obstacle. His decision was an important turning-point
Certainty: 3 The Franks now defending Antioch beat off attacks from the citadel. After the crusaders had captured Antioch, the weakest part of the fortifications was that between the city and the citadel, which was still in Turkish hands. A deep ditch and rampart were built to protect the city at this point, largely by Raymond of Toulouse and Bohemond. A major attack was made from the citadel on the city, and Bohemond, who was on duty with with Everard of Le Puiset, Radulf of Fontaines, Raimbold Croton, Peter, son of Gisla and Aubrey and Ivo of Grandmesnil, was placed in a very difficult position: but Robert of Flanders and Robert of Normandy rushed up to beat off the attackers
Certainty: 3 Hunger & despair during the siege of Antioch by Kerbogha. The crusaders began to starve in Antioch, and gnawed leather and ate other unusual substances: the price of meat rose to absurd heights. Godfrey of Bouillon paid 15 marks of silver for the flesh of a camel and his steward Baldric three marks for a she-goat. Alexios I's retreat from Philomelion shocked the besieged, and some lesser leaders planned to escape, leaving ordinary crusaders to their fate. Kerbogha, by contrast, became bolder still. Godfrey, Bohemond, Robert of Flanders and Adhemar of le Puy stressed the religious duty to stay and also the difficulty and danger of escape, and at the same time reinforced the guards at the gates with experienced men. The memory of William of Grandmesnil and his fellow-traitors was cursed ever more fiercely
Certainty: 3 Peter Bartholomew found the holy lance that pierced Christ's side. Peter Bartholomew told Adhemar and Raymond of Toulouse that St Andrew had appeared to him in dreams several times, asking him urgently to tell the chiefs that the lance that pierced Christ's side was buried in church of Hagios Petros in Antioch, and should be dug up. The issue was placed before the chiefs, who agreed to the digging. An appropriate piece of metal was found, and greatly increased morale. However the lance did not convince Bohemond, and the latter's arguments were supported by Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, Arnulf of Choques and Tancred. This became a divisive issue, especially between Raymond and Bohemond
Certainty: 3 Embassy of Peter the Hermit to Kerbogha ended in failure. After 26 days of siege, following the discovery of the lance by Peter Bartolomew, it was decided to send ambassadors to Kerbogha. The only volunteer for the task was Peter the Hermit. Herluin and others acted as interpreters. Peter offered Kerbogha the chance to convert to Christianity and become lord of Antioch, with the crusaders as his servants. Kerbogha refused, telling Peter to become a Muslim. Peter also offered Kerbogha combat between twenty champions on each side, the losers to withdraw. Kerbogha ignored the suggestion and promised life to immature crusaders of both sexes, but for the rest his huge supply of chains, and death. Peter returned to the crusader camp to report that Kerbogha had chosen war, not peace. When he was giving a public account of the embassy, Godfrey stopped him from reporting all the Turk's haughty replies, for reasons of morale. After nearly a month of siege, battle was now the only recourse. Adhemar of Le Puy suggested giving as much grain as possible to their famished horses, and they did
Certainty: 3 Numbered divisions of the crusaders in the attack from Antioch against Kerbogha. Corps 1: Hugh of Vermandois, Anselm of Ribemont; Corps 2: Robert of Flanders and followers; Corps 3: Robert of Normandy, Stephen of Aumale and followers; Corps 4: Adhemar of le Puy with his own men and those of the sick Raymond of Toulouse; Corps 5: Reinhard of Toul, Peter of Astenois, Garnier of Grez, Henry of Esch, Reinhard of Hamersbach and Walter of St-Valery; Corps 6: Raimbold of Orange, Louis of Mousson and Lambert of Montaigu; Corps 7: Godfrey of Bouillon and his brother Eustace; Corps 8: Tancred of Hauteville; Corps 9: Hugh of St Pol, Engelrand of St Pol, Thomas of La Fere, Baldwin, son of Hugh of Rethel, Robert, son of Gerard, Rainald of Beauvais and Galo of Calvo Monte; Corps 10: Rotrou of Perche, Everard of Le Puiset, Drogo of Mouchy-le-Chatel, Ruthard, son of Godfrey and Conan of Lamballe; Corps 11: Isoard of Die, Raymond Pilet, Gaston of Bearn, Gerard of Rousillion, William of Montpellier and William Amanieu; Corps 12: Bohemond and his men, the largest and rearmost corps, ordered to help others when needed and watch for those under special pressure
Certainty: 3 Victorious attack on the army of Kerbogha outside Antioch, which broke up in panic. As the crusaders prepared to fight Kerbogha by confession and communion, Adhemar and his clerics raised morale by circulating with crosses and images of the saints, promising indulgences, with fasting, prayer and alms. Once the formation was complete, Hugh of Vermandois led it out with Robert of Flanders and Robert of Normandy; behind, the cavalry followed the infantry, plundering being banned till victory was won. They first defeated a Turkish attempt to stop them leaving Antioch. As battle began, Anselm of Ribemont attacked so spectacularly as to leave an unforgettable mark of heroism. He was well supported by Hugh of Vermandois, Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, Baldwin of Hainault and Eustace of Boulogne. Kerbogha heard that the crusaders had left Antioch and defeated his advance party. [Fulcher of Chartres and Ralph of Caen reported that he decided, too late, to accept the proposals of Peter the Hermit.] When the crusader lines were complete he stopped playing chess and skilfully but contemptuously drew up his own army, sending shorewards an elite corps under Kilic Arslan I, to crush the crusaders as they fled. The front line of the crusaders pushed the enemy back over a stream. As this frontal attack succeeded, Kilic Arslan attacked Bohemond in the rear, burning stubble to sow confusion; Bohemond, despite personal bravery and the support of Robert FitzGerard and his standard, which showed the Cross, was nearly defeated. But Godfrey and Tancred came to aid him, and were eventually victorious. When the Turks made a stand on a small hill against the crusaders' front line, they were dislodged
Certainty: 3 The end of the battle for Antioch. When the battle was won, Raymond of Toulouse and Adhemar of Le Puy were among the first to stop fighting and turn to the splendid booty of every kind. The fabulous wealth of the Muslim camp fell into crusader hands, while many of the infantry and non-combatants were slaughtered. Kerbogha stood stupified till his own position became dangerous, then rushed to the Euphrates by relays of horses, completing the defeat. Few crusaders dared follow the enemy with their weakened horses, but Tancred and others pursued them for some miles till sunset, maybe as far as Harim or even Artah, increasing the casualties. Shams al-Dawla, son of Yaghi Siyan, abandoned the citadel of Antioch and fled over the mountains. Kerbogha's governor of the citadel, Ahmad b. Marwan, remained there with some colleagues, till the Franks sent an envoy offering a safe-conduct and he handed the citadel over. As he left with a Frankish escort, Armenians attacked the party and killed some of them; however Ahmad was able to escape and to reach Aleppo. Artah was surrendered to Raymond of Toulouse, on the recommendation of some of the defenders, who were Provencal converts to Islam
Certainty: 3 Arrangements made for government of Antioch. The lordship of Antioch fell to Bohemond, as promised, but Raymond of Toulouse kept up his resistance. Bohemond made his residence in the citadel on the mountain, while Raymond continued to hold the fortress near the bridge and some nearby towers. Later, Bohemond and Tancred exploited Raymond's absence at Ma'arrat al-Nu'man (and Godfrey's at the Euphrates) to capture Raymond's remaining possessions and complete Bohemond's conquest. In the ecclesiastical sphere, Ioannes IV/V, patriarch of Antioch, was restored to power, having often been shackled by the Turks during the siege, and even hung from the walls to insult the Christians. Ioannes had no Latin rival while he remained, as that would be uncanonical; but just two years later he realised that a Greek could not usefully rule Latins, and voluntarily went to Constantinople
Certainty: 3 Embassy of Baldwin of Hainault & Hugh of Vermandois to Alexios I. After victory in the great battle against Kerbogha, Baldwin of Hainault and Hugh of Vermandois were sent to Alexios I as envoys, to ask him to fulfil their agreement and follow them quickly to Jerusalem, or they would no longer be bound by their oaths. They were to claim release from their agreements because Alexios had listened to deserters and acted falsely. Baldwin and Hugh were ambushed near Nicaea by mixed race Tourkopouloi. Baldwin was traveling just in front of Hugh, who saw him shot and killed or captured, but himself escaped; the manner of Baldwin's death is unknown. Hugh delivered the message to Alexios. But then he besmirched the fame he had won on crusade. He did not report the result of his mission nor return, a serious dereliction for one of high rank. Another version sends Hugh from Antioch straight to Tarsos and death in 1098, for treatment for a wound
Certainty: 3 "Ishmael", whose approach made Alexios I retreat, attacked Paipert, held by Theodoros Gabras . The sultan of Khorasan sent his son, Ishmael, with considerable forces to prevent Alexios I from relieving Antioch. When Alexios retreated from Philomelion, having lost his main target, he diverted his attack to Paipert, which had just been taken by Theodoros Gabras
Certainty: 3 Epidemic in Antioch: death of the papal representative Adhemar of Le Puy. After the victory over Kerbogha, a deadly epidemic broke out at Antioch. Its most distinguished victim was Adhemar of le Puy, papal representative on the crusade. He was was mourned profoundly by all, and honourably buried in Hagios Petros in Antioch, at the spot where the lance was found. After Adhemar's death, the crusaders wrote to Urban II: Bohemond, whose signature came first, probably inspired the letter. It gave a brief narrative of events so far, and asked Urban, since his representative had died, to come to the east and lead the crusade himself. It expresses confidence in the defeat of the pagans, but puzzlement over how to treat the eastern Christians
Certainty: 3 Recapture of Jerusalem by the Egyptians. Egypt had previously lost Jerusalem to the invasion of only 300 Turks, whose leader was Sukman ibn Artuq. The ruler of Egypt decided to take it back, so during the Christian siege of Antioch he sent an invasion force which succeeded in defeating Sukman in heavy fighting, with losses on both sides. Sukman surrendered the city and left for Damascus. The Egyptian ruler then went to Jerusalem reverently, without turning any Christians away from their observances, as he informed the crusaders outside Antioch. He wanted them to help him avoid recapture of Jerusalem from Damascus. But all his promises to the crusaders turned out to be lies: he defended Jerusalem with weapons and soldiers so as to deny it to Christian pilgrims. It was necessary, with God's help, to slaughter the Muslims before entry could be gained
Certainty: 3 Crusaders supported the emir of 'Azaz against his overlord, Ridwan of Aleppo. Ridwan, ruler of Aleppo, suffered constant annoyance from the ruler of 'Azaz, his subordinate. He therefore decided to capture 'Azaz, ordering his other subject rulers to gather there for an attack. The ruler of 'Azaz sought aid from Godfrey at Antioch, who at first was suspicious, but later was persuaded when the ruler delivered his son Muhammad as a hostage. He sent his agreement by carrier pigeon. Godfrey also called his brother Baldwin from Edessa. Baldwin came with large forces, advising Godfrey to involve the other crusaders. But Bohemond and Raymond of Toulouse at first refused to join Godfrey and Baldwin, jealous that the invitation had not come to them also. At another level, the wife of Folbert of Bouillon was captured when her husband was killed on the road from Antioch to Edessa, and she was taken to 'Azaz. The Turkish commander of mercenaries at 'Azaz was smitten by her appearance, and asked to be married to her in lieu of wages. This was done, and the bridegroom became a strong advocate of 'Azaz's new Frankish alliance. Godfrey pleaded the need for crusader cohesion, and persuaded Bohemond and Raymond to bring their armies to 'Azaz, making too large a show of force for Ridwan to continue his attack. He disbanded his army after a vain attempt to ambush the crusaders, which caused casualties on both sides. After the withdrawal of Ridwan, the ruler of 'Azaz publicly thanked Godfrey for his help, and the two swore everlasting alliance; he received from Godfrey as a gift a beautiful helmet and hauberk belonging to Heribrand of Bouillon. Despite careful treatment, the ruler's son Muhammad would die: but he accepted Godfrey's explanations, and did not break their alliance
Certainty: 1 Death of Alexios I's youngest daughter Zoe, maybe soon after baptism.
Certainty: 3 Consolidation of crusader power around Antioch. During the plague in Antioch, the leaders spent time away from the city. Godfrey and many others went to the area of Edessa in the north. Godfrey sent knights against the brothers Pakrad and Kogh Vasil. Bohemond went to Cilicia, took over Tarsos, Adana, Mopsuestia and Anazarbos, and claimed the whole region. He began to call himself "prince" of Antioch. Raymond of Toulouse besieged Albara, two days' journey from Antioch
Certainty: 3 Godfrey of Bouillon captured Armenian forts in the hills towards Edessa. Godfrey of Bouillon paid a visit to the territory of Edessa, especially that west of the Euphrates, around Tell Bashir, 'Ayn Tab and Ravendel, whose revenues Baldwin granted to him. There he heard complaints about the brothers Pankratios and Kogh Vasil, who made extortionate demands on the local populace west of the Euphrates, especially monasteries, and even appropriated a gift sent to Godfrey by Nichosios, a friend of Baldwin. Godfrey sent knights and in revenge concentrated on each of their two nearby strongholds in turn and razed them to the ground
Certainty: 3 Many crusaders went north to Edessa, causing some problems for Baldwin. After the defeat of Kerbogha and the 'Azaz campaign Baldwin played host to many crusaders fleeing the plague at Antioch, showing amazing generosity. They included Drogo of Nesle, Fulcher of Chartres, Gaston of Beziers and Reinhard of Toul. However the numbers of visiting Franks and their haughty attitude made Baldwin unpopular. The embarrassment increased as most were impoverished and demanded gifts, though they greatly increased his military power; at the same time his neglected Armenian subjects began conspiracies. He was warned by Enzhu, a faithful Armenian, and others of plotting against him from among the Armenians of Edessa, and sent French servants to arrest the guilty and confiscate their wealth, which he used to pay for military service from the Frankish visitors. He became estranged from his father-in-law Taphnuz, who had not fully paid his daughter's dowry, and so feared punishment. He fled to his castles in the mountains
Certainty: 3 Despatch of Pisan fleet with Daimbert of Pisa, to replace Adhemar of le Puy. The Pisans sent a large fleet to help the progress of the crusade. On it was Daimbert, archbishop of Pisa, sent by the pope to replace Adhemar of le Puy as papal legate on the crusade
Certainty: 3 Capture by crusaders of Albara & Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, with slaughter of whole population. Raymond of Toulouse soon captured Albara and all its territory, slaughtering all the defenders. He appointed Peter of Narbonne as bishop, giving him half of Albara, as the first Latin bishop in east, having him consecrated in Antioch. As the crusaders were impatient to move on to Jerusalem, the leaders then had them besiege Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, to keep them occupied. The siege was begun by Godfrey of Bouillon and his brother Eustace, Raymond of Toulouse, Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy and Tancred, and was soon joined with reinforcements by Bohemond. There was no food, and there are many reports of cannibalism, eating the corpses of enemies. Eventually the town fell. Gouffier de Lastours was the first to climb the siege ladder. The entire population was slaughtered. There was a dispute over its ownership between Raymond, who wanted to give it to Peter of Narbonne, and Bohemond, who wanted to use it in negotiations over Antioch. Peter took over, Bohemond went and captured the towers Raymond held in Antioch. Peter could not stop the impatient crusaders from demolishing the town walls of Ma'arrat al-Nu'man so as to avoid further delay. Engelrand of St Pol died there of disease
Certainty: 3 Kale, widow of Symbatios Pakourianos, made her will & bequeathed Radolibos to Iveron. Kale, widow of Symbatios Pakourianos, made an elaborate will, with bequests to more than 30 persons and to Iviron. Most of those receiving bequests were her kin, but other members of the household, including servants, received gifts of lower value. Many bequests involve money, but decorated bowls, fabrics and a book were also given. At the lower social levels, for example her manumitted slaves of both sexes, animals played a major part. The bequest of Radolibos to Iviron would soon involve the detailed documentation of the village
Certainty: 3 Will of Kale, widow of Symbatios Pakourianos: bequests to ex-slaves. Much of Kale's will involves her ex-slaves, whom she had freed earlier and kept in her service until her death, whereupon they were to become free Roman citizens able to go and work where they wished. There were eight named females and seven males. The bequests made to them included their existing clothes, bedding, weapons and other possessions. She now added considerable sums of cash and specific items of clothing, with extra textiles for the females and farm animals for the males
Certainty: 3 Will of Kale, widow of Symbatios Pakourianos: executors & witnesses. Five people specially close to her, all recipients of bequests, were asked to be the executors of the will, to carry out its full stipulations. Seven persons were given small bequests as witnesses to the will. One of these is mentioned as the scribe of the will and its copy. There was bureacratic confirmation of the identity of the original and copy, and of the material relevant to Radolibos
Certainty: 3 Pisan fleet carrying Daimbert attacked Ionian Islands: reactions of Byzantines. Daimbert, bishop of Pisa, sent a substantial squadron of his fleet to ravage the Ioanian Islands, Kerkyra, Leukas, Kephallenia and Zakynthos. When visiting Kephallenia with a fleet, he ordered the sailors to kill Greek Christians. (This crime later led to one of the charges at the council which deposed and excommunicated him as patriarch of Jerusalem.) Hearing of these attacks, the emperor ordered many ships to be built throughout the empire (a large number in Constantinople), often visiting the shipyards and himself advising the builders. They were fitted out to belch Greek fire through the mouths of terrifying, brightly-decorated animals. Knowing the Pisans' naval expertise, he put Tatikios (recently returned from Antioch) in charge of the terrifying new ships, while Landulf, himself an expert in naval warfare, was to be commander-in-chief of the fleet
Certainty: 3 Naval expedition of Landulf to Laodikeia. Landulf and the fleet left Constantinople at the end of April, reached Samos and there beached the ships to make them seaworthy by caulking; when they heard of the arrival of the Pisans, they followed them as far as Kos. The Byzantine fleet reached Kos in the evening, but missed the Pisans, who had arrived in the morning. They then continued to Knidos on the Anatolian coast: there they learned from some Pisans who had been left behind that their fleet had sailed to Rhodes. The Byzantine fleet caught up with the Pisans between Patara and Rhodes. The Pisans prepared for battle, but were surprised by a lightning attack by the Peloponnesian count Perichytes, who, as soon as he caught sight of the enemy, immediately rowed at speed toward them, cutting through their centre, then returning to the Byzantine fleet. In a disorganised attack on the Pisans, Landulf was the first to approach a Pisan ship, but failed to hit it with Greek fire, which was wasted, scattered over the sea. Count Eleemon boldly attacked a large Pisan ship, but got into difficulties, entangled in its rudder; however he burned it with Greek fire, got free and managed to set alight three other enemy ships. Raids by individuals like this, the downward projection of the fire, unexpected by the Pisans, and a sudden dangerous wind-shift made the enemy flee. After the battle, the Byzantine fleet first put into a tiny island called Seutlos; but it left there at daybreak and sailed to Rhodes, where all disembarked with their prisoners, one of whom was Bohemond's nephew. When threats to sell them as slaves or execute them had no effect, they drew their swords and slaughtered them all. Pisan survivors from the sea-battle ravaged further islands on their route to Palestine, especially Cyprus, where they were attacked by Eumathios Philokales. The sailors fled by ship to Bohemond at Laodikeia, but many of the infantry who were out plundering were marooned and died, even throwing themselves into the sea. Bohemond, as usual, welcomed all those who arrived, making them part of the siege of Laodikeia and signing treaties with them
Certainty: 3 Chrysobull of Alexios I granting the taxes of Radolibos to Kale (widow of Symbatios Pakourianos). Alexios I awarded by chrysobull to the nun Maria Basilakina (Kale, widow of Symbatios Pakourianos) the entirety of the taxes of the chorion of Radolibos
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos thanked Ioannes the philosopher for his continuing support. Ioannes the philosopher had helped to defend Theophylaktos of Ohrid against slander. The archbishop thanked him, and asked him to continue the good work
Certainty: 1 Theophylaktos told Ioannes Peribleptenos of his troubles, encapsulated in one enemy. Theophylaktos sent a letter to Ioannes Peribleptenos, describing his troubles as if they all stemmed from one single enemy. He hoped that God would steer him through them
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Ioannes Attaleiates, asking for help for the metropolitan of Side. Theophylaktos of Ohrid wrote to Ioannes Attaleiates, who was protonotarios of the doux of Attaleia. He asked for help for the metropolitan of Side, who may still have been the long-serving Ioannes
Certainty: 3 Raymond of Toulouse set out from Ma'arrat al-Nu'man for Jerusalem. Raymond of Toulouse went on an expedition which solved the problems of starvation, but returned to find the walls of Ma'arrat al-Nu'man destroyed. He then, with Eustace of Boulogne, Robert of Normandy and Tancred, set out southwards. They went on down a valley they called "Joy" (Gaudium, the Orontes valley), where they found plenty of food, captured two Turkish mountain fortresses, then the town of Tortosa, which they gave to Raymond. From the valley of "Joy" they went on to that of "Camels", where they found more food, and moved to attack the castle of Arqah. Bohemond had retuned to Antioch [Anna Komnene seems to confuse the two captures of Tortosa, in 1099 and 1102]
Certainty: 3 Crusader leaders met in Antioch, deciding to set off south from Laodikeia on March 1. Crusaders who were unhappy because of the delay started to leave the armies for home, beginning to lose hope for the crusade. The major leaders (Bohemond, who would stay in the north, and Godfrey and Robert of Flanders who had decided to winter there) guarded the ports and met in Antioch on February 2. Their plans were speeded up by Arnulf of Choques, who came by a circuitous route from Arqah to tell them that the situation there was not good. They decided to leave southwards from Laodikeia on March 1
Certainty: 3 Beginning of siege of Arqah. From the valley of the Camels they went on to attack Arqah, with Raymond of Toulouse, Robert of Normandy and Tancred playing the major roles. The besiegers' mangonels were matched by those of the defenders, while those undermining the walls also met strong resistance. The famous Anselm of Ribemont saw a vision of his own death, explained it to Arnulf of Choques and was advised how ro react. Soon after he was attacking strongly when he was struck by a piece of rock, which broke open his skull. The mourning of the leaders was intense
Certainty: 3 The crusaders who had not gone to Arqah set out southwards from Laodikeia. On March 1, as planned, Bohemond, Godfrey, Robert of Flanders and others still near Antioch met at Laodikeia and went to besiege Jabala. The townspeople offered a huge ransom for the safety of Jabala, but the crusaders refused it. The ransom was then paid as a bribe to Raymond of Toulouse at Arqah, who demanded immediate help there from the crusaders. The leaders were already unhappy to be losing Bohemond, who was returning to protect Antioch, where he was now in full control. They immediately left Jabala to confront the new emergency at Arqah. They were furious when they discovered that there was no emergency and learned the truth
Certainty: 3 Squabbles & divisions outside Arqah. Enmity arose at Arqah between Tancred and Raymond of Toulouse, who (Tancred claimed) had not properly paid him for military service performed. When Godfrey arrived, Tancred became his man, cutting his ties with Raymond. Tancred immediately informed others as they came that the emergency declared by Raymond at Arqah was false, caused by a bribe from Jubail. The other leaders did not speak to Raymond, camped apart, and let him besiege Arqah alone. Raymond began skilful wheedling with well-chosen gifts (e.g. a splendid horse) to Godfrey, who was gradually won over and finally agreed to take a full part in the siege; he then influenced others to do the same, but not Tancred, who remained obdurate. Complaints began about the siege, that it was unneccessary and diverting crusaders from their vows. Raymond welcomed ambassadors who promised that Alexios I would soon arrive, justifying delay at Arqah. Arnulf of Choques now raised again the question of the validity of the lance found in Antioch, dividing opinion and making Peter Batholomew volunteer to undergo ordeal by fire on Good Friday; he seemed to survive the ordeal, but died within a few days, so doubt about the lance increased. Arnulf had exposed the fraud and was not a fraud himself; yet he became a target of Provencal anger, and needed protection by other leaders. He also, with another Arnulf, bishop of Martirano, proposed and carried out a plan to make a golden image of Christ, as an overdue thank-offering for past and future victories. Finally, all leaders but Raymond wanted to push on, and burned their tents to make departure inevitable. Raymond urged the capture of Arquah as a remark of respect for those killed there, but was undermined by many of his own men, who joined the burning
Certainty: 3 From Arqah to Jerusalem: coastal cities ransomed. Fakhr al-Mulk b. 'Ammar, emir of Tripoli, sent gifts to the crusader leaders at Arqah, promising more if they spared Tripoli. On arrival there they all camped away from the city, refreshing themselves with sugar-cane; further gifts to the leaders came from the emir and Tripoli was preserved. The emir also provided them with an elderly guide for the intricate net of passes over the mountains to the south. He took them by an incredibly narrow route, fortunately undefended, to Beirut, which sent more gifts. The guide led them on in peace from Beirut to Sidon, where local horsemen killed stragglers but were badly defeated by the crusaders. They lost some victims to snakebite and learned the antidotes. Walter of Verveis went on a raid and disappeared before reaching Tyre. From there the guide led them to Ptolemaida (Acre). They chose the coast road, not that to Damascus, because only half the army was fit for battle. They passed Haifa, then camped for four days at Pentecost around the marshes near Caesarea. Gaston of Beziers and Robert of Normandy were sent ahead near Ramla and Lydda, and found the townspeople had left it in terror; they sent to tell the army to come and rest there in comfort, and they did for three days, enjoying wine, corn and oil. A bishop was appointed there. The old guide was still leading the crusaders when he helped them find water and fodder at Emmaeus, where they saw an eclipse of the moon. From there 100 knights, including Tancred and Baldwin of Bourcq, made a diversion to Bethlehem, where they were welcomed by incredulous local Christians, visited the Holy Places, and reached Jerusalem with the main army. Tancred viewed the city alone, then met a hermit from the Balkans
Certainty: 3 Siege of Jerusalem. Gerard of Quierzy, Robert of Flanders and Robert of Normandy were guided by a Syrian Christian to bring wood, which could not be found near Jerusalem and was essential for siege-engines. They brought it back four miles with camels from the direction of Arabia. Achard of Montmerle was killed by Turks from Askalon while foraging near Ramla; he was buried in a Christian cemetery outside the city. A distinguished Saracen prisoner was captured by Baldwin of Bourcq and taken to his tent, where he sat on Baldwin's own couch while Baldwin and other leaders tried to convert him. He refused scornfully, so he was publicly beheaded before the walls by Baldwin's squire. Baldwin was foraging with Thomas of La Fere when they met crusader raiders who had been defeated, with losses, by Turks from Askalon; he encouraged them to fight afresh, but was wounded in the chest. Tancred and Raymond of Toulouse had a public reconciliation, during a fast and procession round the walls of Jerusalem, after sermons on concord from Peter the Hermit and Arnulf of Choques at various holy places. When the mangonels made a breach in the wall and the battering-ram widened it, the leaders brought up siege-towers they had just constructed. They burned the ram, to get it out of the way of the assault
Certainty: 3 Final assault & capture of Jerusalem by the crusaders. The moat was filled at two points, opposite the towers of Godfrey of Bouillon and Raymond of Toulouse, and the towers were brought up to the wall. Adhemar of le Puy was seen by many, leading the assault, as was a warrior on the Mount of Olives waving a shield and encouraging the crusaders. Godfrey and his brother Eustace commanded their tower from the top storey, while the bottom storey was for those who propelled it. In the middle storey were Engilbert and Lethold of Tournai with other soldiers. As the mangonels, missiles from the tower and elsewhere emptied the wall in front of them, Engilbert and Lethold made a bridge across to the rampart and entered the city, followed by their colleagues, then Godfrey and Eustace from the upper storey. Among the first of the crusaders to follow those from the tower into Jerusalem were Baldwin of Bourcq, Conan of Lamballe, Cono and Lambert of Montaigu, Gaston of Beziers, Gaston of Bearn, Gerard of Rousillon, Hugh of Saint-Pol, Louis of Mousson, Raimbold of Orange, Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, Tancred and Thomas of La Fere. Raymond, fighting outside the wall in the south, did not know of the success of the northern attack till the defenders opposite him fled. He entered unopposed and opened the south gate, followed by Isoard of Die, bishop Peter of Narbonne, Raymond Pilet and William of Sabran. The massacre began from both directions
Certainty: 3 Massacre by the crusaders of all non-Christian inhabitants of Jerusalem. When Godfrey of Bouillon saw that a number of knights had entered Jerusalem, he sent some of them to open the Gate of St Stephen, to let in the common crusaders. He began with them a brutal and total massacre of Muslims, Jews and even many Christians, seizing all their possessions. While his people continued with the massacre, he soon stopped, took off his armour, left the city and made a barefoot procession round it, with members of his household, ending emotionally at the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, remembering visions seen at the beginning of the crusade, while the rest of the army was killing non-Christians. At one moment the defenders rallied and the outcome was in doubt, but Everard of Le Puiset cast doubt on the manhood of the Latin chivalry following him, and shamed them into following his example and killing many of the enemy. Raymond of Toulouse, corrupted by greed, allowed the Turks he captured in the Tower of David go free to Askalon, in reurn for a large bribe. But the worst of the killing was around the al-Aqsa mosque
Certainty: 3 Tancred & the Muslim shrines of Jerusalem. Before the sack Tancred knew from Muslim prisoners of the gold and silver adorning the Dome of the Rock; as the city fell, he made straight for it, desecrated the mosque and removed the wealth, which he shared with Godfrey, whose knight he was. Ralph of Caen speaks particularly of a large silver image, and sheets of silver covering the interior walls. He later guaranteed the safety of of hundreds of surrendered Muslims in the Al-Aqsa mosque, by giving them his standard. But despite this, a Christian mob broke in and massacred them all. He was violently angry at the insult and planned vengeance, but was dissuaded from this by suggestions from his fellow-leaders that extermination of all non-Christians was the best policy; this led to a massacre of any survivors on the third day after the victory [this second massacre is mentioned by Albert of Aachen, but not confirmed in other sources]. Ralph of Caen adds a trial scene, in which Arnulf of Choques charged Tancred before the other Frankish leaders with desecrating the Old Testament temple. The leaders advised Tancred to return 700 marks to the temple, and he did so willingly
Certainty: 3 Choice of secular & ecclesiastical heads for Jerusalem. Jerusalem needed a religious and a lay ruler. Arnulf, bishop of Martirano, proposed the election of a patriarch before a secular ruler, since the latter would need ecclesiatical coronation. This plausible objection was disregarded by the leaders. There were two candidates for the secular leadership: Raymond of Toulouse and Godfrey of Bouillon, and the latter prevailed. The mechanism is unclear. It seems plain that the crown was first offered to Raymond, and, surprisingly, he refused. Then it was offered to Godfrey, who also appeared reluctant, but was persuaded to accept, provided his title was not that of king, but "aduocatus Sancti Sepulchri". Raymond was plainly furious, showing his anger by refusing to give the new ruler the Tower of David, which he held. A fragment of the True Cross, which had been preserved by ancient holy men, was handed over to the leaders by a Syrian Christian, who had hidden it with his father. It was placed in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre
Certainty: 3 Death of Pope Urban II, ignorant of capture of Jerusalem. Urban II the pope died in Rome, shortly after the culmination of the Crusade he had preached; however he did not hear of this success before his death
Certainty: 3 Arrival at Askalon of an Egyptian expedition to recapture Jerusalem. The caliph of Egypt was angry at the crusaders' success against a newly-won Egyptian province. He gathered forces from all the lands under his dominion, summoned al-Afdal, his commander-in-chief, and ordered him to wipe the crusaders from the map. Al-Afdal had himself captured Jerusalem from the Turks barely eleven months before, so he gladly accepted orders to recover it. His forces included Turks from Syria, since the Christian attack had created a Muslim coalition. Soon after becoming lord of Jerusalem Godfrey of Bouillon heard rumours of the Egyptian attack, so he left garrisons in Jerusalem and went with some of the major crusaders to investigate. Once the news was confirmed, they stayed to hold the road to Jerusalem, sending to the city for aid and calling all crusader forces together. There is no unanimity in the sources over where the major leaders were when they were summoned. Raymond of Toulouse, still smarting over the Tower of David, refused to be hurried. Peter the Hermit and Arnulf of Choques were asked to bring the true cross, to inspire the crusaders against the Egyptian forces. An Arab ex-governor of Ramla warned him to prohibit plundering, because there were many animals left on the battlefield to tempt the crusaders' greed. He was also impressed by the Chrstians' zeal for battle, which Godfrey explained as a desire for martyrdom, making the Arab think of converting
Certainty: 3 Crushing victory of the crusaders outside Askalon. The battlefield of Askalon was covered in domestic animals, designed to distract the crusaders into early looting. In fact, this was prohibited on pain of mutilation, and the animals swelled the apparent size of the Christian army. The battle began with an attack by the Egyptian infantry, which began well, but then wavered. The front line of the crusaders across the battlefield was made up of the forces of Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, Gerard of Quierzy, Oliver of Jussey and Reinhard of Toul. There followed a decisive cavalry charge. Participants in this included Godfrey of Bouillon and his brother Eustace, Raymond of Toulouse, Tancred, and Cono and Lambert of Montaigu. After the success of the cavalry, the crusader army started looting, and the Egyptians began a counter-attack. Duke Godfrey, who was covering the gates of Askalon to prevent attacks by the garrison, realised the danger and rallied enough of the army to renew the fighting and defeat the enemy a second time. Raymond of Toulouse fought on the right of the line, drowning many of the enemy in the sea. The Egyptians were pursued to the gates of Askalon, where there was such competition to enter that large numbers were crushed and slaughtered outside; the gates were shut, and the troops tried to hide, most of them without success [Anna Komnene seems to confuse this victory with the terrible defeat of the second battle or Ramla in 1102, which she dates to the following day]. The crusaders kept watch on the battlefield overnight, expecting an Egyptian rally, which did not occur; the next day was spent loading immense quantities of booty on their pack-animals, and burning what they could not carry
Certainty: 3 Dissension in crusader siege of Askalon. The battle of Askalon turned into an attack on the nearby city. Godfrey pressed the siege until negotiations began, and he would have captured Askalon, but for Raymond of Toulouse, who was still angry over the Tower of David. Raymond sent a letter to encourage the defenders, saying that most of the crusaders had left. The people of Askalon, who had a high opinion of Raymond's trustworthiness, broke off negotiations, and Godfrey found that Raymond had indeed persuaded most of the other leaders to leave. Godfrey gave up the siege and followed Raymond to Arsuf, whose citizens had also been informed by Raymond of Godfrey's weakness. Raymond then joined Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy and the others in their camp between Caesarea and Haifa, where he was followed by a furious Godfrey, who took up arms to attack Raymond. The latter also armed himself. The two Roberts and others intervened between them, and peace was restored
Certainty: 3 Bohemond began siege of Laodikeia, with aid of Pisan fleet. When Daimbert and his allies reached Syria, Bohemond enlisted them to attack Laodikeia, calling the people there false Christians (according to Daimbert's account), traitors to the crusade, deserving vengeance, in which the newcomers helped. A siege of Laidikeia began
Certainty: 3 Mass departures of crusaders for home. After the battle of Askalon, once peace was made between Godfrey and Raymond, many crusaders decided to return home. With tearful farewells, Godfrey instructed them to send new crusaders to replace themselves. Robert of Flanders, Robert of Normandy, Gaston of Beziers and Cono of Montaigu planned to return via Laodikeia to the lands of their birth. The two Roberts were to be welcomed and feted by Alexios I as they passed through Constantinople. Robert of Normandy would spent the rest of his life in an unsuccessful struggle against Henry II of England, dying in prison. Raymond was afraid of losing Laodikeia, Tortosa and other cities to Bohemond, and so he kept his base in Syria. He was to leave his wife (Elvira of Leon-Castile) and his household at Laodikeia, and later travel to Constantinople, where he was received kindly and magnificently by Alexios, with generous gifts; he would return to his wife two years later. Baldwin of Bourcq left with them, but remained at Antioch as a mercenary with Bohemond. Godfrey (with Tancred) was the only major crusader left
Certainty: 3 Election of Paschal II as pope.
Certainty: 3 Raymond of Toulouse & other returning crusaders stopped siege of Laodikeia. Raymond of Toulouse and other leaders on their way home went peacefully up the coast to Jabala, where they heard that Bohemond was wrongfully besieging Laodikeia, with the aid of Pisan and Genoese fleets. They sent messengers asking him to stop. The returning crusaders were met at Jabala by Daimbert, who congratulated them joyfully. But they accused him and his forces with Bohemond of wronging the Christians of Laodikeia. Daimbert pleaded ignorance, saying that all Bohemond's allies knew came from Bohemond himself. He promised to conduct the crusaders' messengers to Laodikeia to tell the Pisan and Genoese fleets to stop fighting. However Bohemond scorned the messengers' requests, vowing harshly to capture the city; but he was forced to change his tune when his Italian allies withdrew. When the crusaders reached Laodikeia, Raymond flew his own standard there and spent two weeks of September with plentiful food. Messengers were sent to Bohemond, and hatred was replaced by unity, love, and talk of Jerusalem, till he left for Antioch
Certainty: 2 Fortification of Beisan by Tancred. After the mass departure of crusaders for home, he was the immediate lord of many of the surviving knights in the kingdom, as well as the owner of much of its wealth. He used these advantages to fortify Beisan, far from Jerusalem, a town of growing commercial importance. By fortifying Beisan he was able to attack other nearby cities and close the roads to merchants. This also put pressure on nearby cities, and would play a major role in the capture of Haifa
Certainty: 3 Unsuccessful siege of Arsuf by Godfrey of Bouillon. Arsuf paid Godfrey no tribute, and the hostage from the town guaranteeing their treaty escaped, while Gerard of Avesnes, the crusader hostage, was imprisoned in Arsuf. Godfrey decided to attack the town with the few soldiers left after the mass departures. They included William of Montpellier, Garnier of Grez, Galdemar Carpinel, Wicher the German and Franco of Mechelen. After six weeks of siege, Gerard of Avesnes and Lambert were raised on masts, taunted by the besieged and forced to plead for their lives with the besiegers: they would be spared if Arsuf was spared. Godfrey refused, claiming he would refuse such a plea from his own brother. The pair were both shot. The collapse of a tower killed Franco of Mechelen and others, and left Rothold and Peter the Lombard (knights from Jerusalem) dangerously exposed near the town's wall. They succeeded in escaping the enemy fire and returned to their comrades. Godfrey reproved his men for effeminacy and Arnold of Choques blamed everybody for hard-heartedness over Gerard and Lambert, urging remorse and confession. But the siege made no progress. In December Godfrey returned to Jerusalem, leaving a small force at Ramla to harry Arsuf. They did no good, and soon followed him. During the siege, Godfrey was humbly sitting on the ground; asked why he did not have a more luxurious seat, he answered that the ground was enough for a mortal, for whom, after death, it will be a permanent home
Certainty: 3 Arrival at Jerusalem of Bohemond of Antioch & Baldwin of Edessa on pilgrimage. Hearing news of Jerusalem from departing crusaders, Baldwin of Antioch had written to Baldwin of Edessa, suggesting that they complete their pilgrimages together. Baldwin agreed, though Balas of Saruj executed the last two of his hostages as Baldwin left. Daimbert, after three months near Laodikeia, joined their party, which contained two other bishops and Fulcher of Chartres. As he narrates, it was a difficult coastal march through hostile territory, with little food and freezing weather, in which many of both sexes died. They arrived in Jerusalem just before Christmas. It is said that Daimbert bribed and flattered both his companions on the journey south, and continued the same tactics with Godfrey of Bouillon on their arrival; as a result, Daimbert was appointed almost immediately to the patriarchate of Jerusalem, not only with the revenues of the old Greek patriarch, but with additional income. Arnulf of Choques was deposed and became archdeacon of Jerusalem, using the wealth which accrued to cause trouble for his successor Daimbert. The Christmas period was spent in visiting the holy places, with a climax on Christmas day in Bethlehem, when Daimbert invested Godfrey with Jerusalem and Bohemond with Antioch. [This whole series of events is dated by Ralph of Caen some three months later, at Easter 1100. But other sources agree on the dating at Christmas and witness to patriarchal activity of Daimbert before Easter, so Ralph is probably mistaken]
Certainty: 1 Alexios I granted exemptions for Patmos paroikoi. Alexios I allowed twelve paroikoi of the monastery of Patmos to settle on its properties of Parthenion and Temeneia on Leros and on Leipsos, exempt from fiscal obligations
Certainty: 1 Sale of field (on Athos) to Iveron by Gomatou. The hegoumenos of Gomatou (Chalkidike), Stephanos sold a field of his monastery to Georgios Larissaios, representing the monastery of Iveron
Certainty: 1 Barzachanion (Thrace?) taken away from Lavra by the anagrapheus Andronikos but returned by Alexios I. When the anagrapheus Andronikos removed from the possessions of Lavra its proasteion of Barzachanion (in Thrace?), the monks protested to Alexios I, showing a chrysobull of Basileios II. Alexios returned Barzachanion to the monastery
Certainty: 1 Marriage of Maria, daughter of Alexios I to Nikephoros Katakalon Euphorbenos. When Alexios I gave up on the betrothal between his daughter Maria and Gregorios Gabras, he turned to another suitor, Nikephoros Katakalon Euphorbenos. Their marriage was celebrated
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Ioannes Serblias, asking for action concerning Bodena & Berroia. Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent a letter to Ioannes Serblias asking him to bring a decree concerning Bodena to the attention of Gregorios Taronites. He should also ask Taronites for a pittakion to tell the governor (?) of Berroia what to do. Serblias should also preserve the (unspecified) rights he possessed
Certainty: 3 Ceremony of patriarch Daimbert by the Jordan with Godfrey, Bohemond & Baldwin. Soon after Christmas, the newly installed patriarch Daimbert asked Godfrey and his army to meet Bohemond and Baldwin at the river Jordan, where Christ was baptised. They did so, bathed in the river, took their leave, and Bohemond and Baldwin made their way home via Tiberias, Banyas, Baalbek, Tortosa and Laodikeia. As there was little food, Baldwin hurried on to Edessa
Certainty: 3 Despite Egyptian aid, Arsuf was harried into suing for peace & surrender. A traitor from Arsuf told Godfrey how the people of Arsuf were going in and out of their town, careless of danger. He proposed that Godfrey ambush them, suggesting a date. Godfrey flattered him, took his advice and killed hundreds of townspeople, causing great grief. When the news reached Egypt, the authorities sent a small relief force, which delighted the people of the town and raised their morale. Godfrey then sent to Arsuf a force under Garnier of Grez and Robert of Anzi, which provoked the newly-arrived Egyptians to fight in ever-increasing numbers. Eventually the whole crusading army attacked and defeated the Egyptians, taking their booty back to Jerusalem. The surviving Egyptians returned sorrowfully home. The people of Arsuf thus realised that even Egyptian protection could not save them. They gave Godfrey their keys and promised tribute, which he passed on to Robert of Anzi in a financial arrangement
Certainty: 3 Port of Jaffa was rebuilt. Godfrey decided to rebuild the town of Ioppe, then called Jaffa, which had been destroyed in ancient times. It was to be a centre of commerce and the pilgrim port for Jerusalem, and also a threat to the other ports which remained non-Christian
Certainty: 3 Amirs of the coastal cities sent presents & tribute to Godfrey, to promote good relations on land. The amirs of Askalon, Caesarea and Acre sent presents and tribute to Godfrey, to develop trade, security and friendship with the new Christian state, the result of the fear it inspired. Relations with Askalon grew particularly close. The good relations which resulted were restricted to trade on land. Each side harried the other over control of trade at sea. Godfrey was surprised to receive back from Askalon, as if from the dead, Gerard of Avesnes. He was well dressed and with a fine horse. He was given fiefs and the castle of Hebron as compensation for his suffering
Certainty: 2 Punitive raids by Godfrey & Tancred forced the "Fat Peasant" to make a treaty. Tancred went to Jerusalem to complain about a Muslim neighbour whom the crusaders called the "Fat peasant". He was rebelling against Tancred and refusing to pay due tribute. Godrey responded by making a punitive raid on the man's lands, causing destruction and death. He therefore appealed for aid to Duqaq of Damascus, who attacked the raiding party, defeated Tancred, who was acting as its rearguard, and took his booty. Godfrey learned of this too late to intervene. Tancred returned to Tiberias and, despite his lack of men, made daily raids on the lands of Damascus. Negotiations ensued: boastful envoys went to Damascus, so insulting that they were murdered. This led to a fortnight-long attack and devastation by the crusaders, which forced the "Fat peasant" to abandon Damascus and make a treaty with the Christians. As Godfrey returned from the second raid he passed Acre, Caesarea and Haifa, politely refusing meals and eating only oranges. He later fell seriously ill, spoiling his welcome for a Venetian squadron at Jaffa
Certainty: 2 Departure of Raymond of Toulouse from Laodikeia to Constantinople. Raymond of Toulouse left his wife at Laodikeia and went to Constantinople to ask for aid, probably seeking permission to hold some part of Northern Syria as an imperial official [Ralph of Caen cannot be right to date the journey after Raymond had begun to attack Tripoli]. Alexios I was pleased that he brought with him the lance as a gift, but also because he was making a personal supplication for aid. Crusaders (including Raymond) had previously often refused help even when it was offered
Certainty: 3 Confirmation of renunciation by Gomatou of rights over field (on Athos) sold to Iveron. Ioannes, a notarios attached to Blachernai, wrote and signed the act confirming that the monks of Gomatou had no rights over their former property sold by their hegoumenos Stephanos for twelve pounds (of gold) in tetartera to Georgios Larissaios (representing Iveron). The monks of Iveron asked Michael Hagioioulianites, dishypatos and taboularios, to explain to them the sale document (setting out the conditions for the purchase of the field). Michael also signed the act as a witness, along with Georgios Aroules (presbyter of Blachernai), Ioannes tes Despoines (deacon of Hagia Sophia and Blachernai), Ioannes (koubouklesios of Hagia Sophia and domestikos of Blachernai), Ioannes (tabellion of Blachernai and patrikios), Konstantinos tou Panagiou (presbyter of Hagia Sophia & Blachernai), Michael (klerikos of Hagia Sophia) and Theognostos (deacon of Hagia Sophia)
Certainty: 3 Arrival of a Venetian squadron at Jaffa, welcomed with difficulty by a sick Godfrey. A strong Venetian fleet, led by a bishop and (the son of) the Doge, put into Jaffa and was welcomed by Godfrey, who had just returned from a punitive raid. He welcomed them to his guest house, accepted their gifts, but had to send them away because of his illness, hoping to get to know them the next day. In fact, he grew worse and had to return to Jerusalem
Certainty: 3 An attack was made with Venetian help on Haifa: it was captured, mainly by the crusaders. In the absence of the sick Godfrey of Bouillon, Tancred and Garnier of Grez negotiated with the leaders of the Venetian fleet, who asked to perform some military service. It was decided to attack Haifa, with Tancred and Garnier leading the land army: but then Garnier himself fell seriously ill. Preparations for the attack were interrupted by a false rumour of the death of Godfrey. This brought everybody from Jaffa to Jerusalem, where Godfrey, while very weak, claimed to be a little better, so all returned to Jaffa. Garnier was too ill to follow them from Jaffa to Jerusalem, and was later taken to Jerusalem on a litter. Godfrey then grew worse: on his deathbed he granted Haifa, if captured, to Galdemar Carpinel. This embittered Tancred, whose larger forces were sure to play a bigger role in the siege than those of Galdemar. Meanwhile the attackers at Haifa used seven mangonels and a very tall tower, but the defenders, many of them Jews allowed to reside in the city because of payments to the ruler of Egypt, put up a stiff resistance. Tancred's role in the siege was much reduced because of his bitterness over Godfrey's decision. Daimbert tried to encourage him by suggesting that the decision could be overturned. After a time besieging Haifa, most Venetians were exhausted and defeated, their troops cowed, and their fleet withdrawn away from the city. The crucial event involved a brave young Venetian, with Milo of Clermont, Wicher the German and Wiric, Godfrey's butler. They responded to Tancred's trumpet-call by climbing up into the siege-tower and making a death-or-glory assault, excavating the city tower opposite them, leading to the capture and sack of the city. The Venetians joined the crusaders after they had entered the city, killing some of the inhabitants, but got no money there. Galdemar Carpinel tried to take over the city, but was forcibly evicted by Tancred
Certainty: 3 Death of Godfrey, advocate of the Holy Sepulchre: the succession. Godfrey, advocate of the Holy Sepulchre, had fallen sick with a fatal disease, for which no remedy could be found. On July 18 he received the Eucharist and died and was buried in the church of the Holy Sepulchre. On his deathbed, he bequeathed Jerusalem to the patriarch, but his closest allies disagreed. Garnier of Grez, who was also dying, refused to fulfil his wishes, but seized and fortified the Tower of David, making excuses about handing it over to Daimbert. He died within five days, but others continued his refusal. All the supporters of Baldwin of Edessa in Jerusalem sent Gunter, Robert, bishop of Lydda and Robert of Rouen with an urgent message that he should come at once to succeed Godfrey. The message was sent in the names of Arnulf of Choques, Galdemar Carpinel, Robert son of Gerard, Radulf of Mousson, Joffrey Godfrey's chamberlain, Wiric Godfrey's butler, Matthew Godfrey's seneschal and Wicher the German. Anna Komnene's alternative is unacceptable: she makes the Latins of Jerusalem offer the throne first to Raymond of Toulouse, but when he equivocated and went to Constantinople, they had recourse to Baldwin from Edessa. Ralph of Caen has an unlikely scene in which Daimbert and Arnulf, with others, leave the choice to Godfrey, and accept his selection of Baldwin
Certainty: 3 Daimbert & Tancred tried in vain to direct the succession to the church & the Normans. Daimbert and Tancred, who had overturned Godfrey's deathbed wish over Haifa, now tried to uphold in part his desire for the succession of Jerusalem. Daimbert and the church had no army to enforce their claim, so he and Tancred wrote to Bohemond, asking him to forestall Godfrey's kin
Certainty: 3 A letter asking for Bohemond's intervention was intercepted at Laodikeia. Daimbert and Tancred broke their oath to the deceased Godfrey, that the succession should go to one of his blood. They sent Daimbert's secretary Morellus with a letter to ask Bohemond to intervene. Morellus' letter was intercepted at Laodikeia. Though it is said that it was seized by Raymond of Toulouse, the action was probably taken by his wife or one of their men, as Raymond was in Constantinople. Thus the plot was revealed. [In any case, Bohemond was already in captivity before the letter could have reached him.] Raymond had gone to Constantinople and had been welcomed by Alexios. When the emperor heard that Baldwin had become king of Jerusalem, he kept Raymond with him to help deal with the crusaders of 1101
Certainty: 3 Capture of Bohemond by Gumushtegin Ghazi; failure of Baldwin of Edessa to rescue him. Bohemond at Antioch received an appeal from Gabriel of Melitene to take over his town, to protect it from Gumushtegin Ghazi Danishmend who was besieging it. Bohemond set off to Melitene with considerable force, which was defeated in an ambush and wiped out by Gumushtegin; he and his fellow-leaders were captured and taken as prisoners to Neokaisareia far to the north and east. But before he was captured he sent a Syrian Christian messenger to Baldwin of Edessa with a prearranged signal, a single hair of Bohemond's own head, as a sign of the disaster which had befallen him. As soon as he received the message, Baldwin set off for Melitene. Gumushtegin Gazi, with Bohemond, retreated northwards, and Baldwin followed
Certainty: 3 Baldwin saved Melitene, but then heard of Godfrey's death. Baldwin pursued Gumushtegin Gazi for three days, but his army was too small and in too much danger, and he returned to Melitene without rescuing Bohemond. At Melitene, Baldwin was received by its ruler Gabriel, who put the city in his hands, and tried to pay him with money and rich goods, but he refused them. He left a small garrison at Melitene, and returned to Edessa, where he heard news of the death of his brother Godfrey, brought by Robert bishop of Lydda, Robert of Rouen and Gunter. He grieved greatly, but showed remarkable self-control. He told the messengers from Jerusalem that he would settle affairs in Edessa and come soon to Jerusalem, hoping to take up their offer
Certainty: 3 Baldwin set out for Jerusalem, leaving Baldwin of Bourcq as count of Edessa. Baldwin of Edessa wrote to Baldwin of Bourcq at Antioch of the death of Godfrey of Bouillon, and of his agreement to go soon to succeed him in Jerusalem. He asked Baldwin to leave his mercenary agreement in Antioch, and to come to Edessa to replace himself, with the land as a fief. When Baldwin of Bourcq agreed, he welcomed him to Edessa, established him on the throne and as soon as possible left him there to make his way south with a distiguished force for Jerusalem. The small size of his army discouraged his supporters and encouraged his Muslim opponents to great efforts to stop him. At Antioch (with Bohemond in prison), all came to meet him and offered him lordship of the city, but he refused utterly, while giving wise advice. He left again after three days. He sent his Armenian wife with her household by sea from Antioch to Jaffa. He continued south along the coast via Laodikeia. The offer of Jerusalem to Baldwin would have caused dissension and warfare, if Tancred had not also been offered rule over Antioch, as regent for the imprisoned Bohemond. Both rivals and heirs took up their places
Certainty: 3 Baldwin forced his way past Muslim armies gathered to block his way. At Laodikeia, Baldwin waited for two days for late forces to catch up, but also heard rumours of terrible Turkish armies massing to stop him, and so lost a part of his army that fled in fear. Despite attempts to increase morale, he lost even more followers at Jabala. He reached Maraqiyya, avoided Tortosa, then went on via Arqah to Tripoli. There the emir Fakhr al-Mulk greeted him generously, and informed him that Duqaq of Damascus and Janah al-Dawla of Homs had set ambushes to stop him at the Dog River Pass. Approaching that point, he won a skirmish, but then spent a very difficult night. The next day he withdrew, as if retreating, pursued by the Turkish cavalry; he then turned and routed them on narrow paths, leaving the many thousands behind the front line useless, and put them to flight. Only two knights were lost, booty was limited to 150 excellent horses, but he captured 48 prominent Turks, some of whom might command a large ransom
Certainty: 3 Baldwin reached Haifa, & used surprise to achieve a warm welcome in Jerusalem. Baldwin marched on quickly down the coast to Haifa, well supplied (out of fear) by the rulers of Beirut, Tyre, Sidon and Acre. He hoped to consult Tancred, of whose treachery he knew nothing. But Tancred was away, trying, with Daimbert, to get control of the Tower of David, so that he or Bohemond could succeed Godfrey. This attempt failed. Baldwin's men were able to buy food at Haifa, despite official disapproval. Quickly grasping the situation, Baldwin sent Hugh of St Omer and Robert bishop of Lydda to Jerusalem, to stop a coup which might lose him the Tower of David or the whole kingdom. His two messengers met Radulf of Mousson, Galdemar Carpinel, Wicher the German and Rodolf of Montpincon, who were pursuing enemies. These four persons went to Jaffa to give news of Baldwin's arrival to Tancred, who had transferred his attentions there from Jerusalem. Tancred abandoned the siege of Jaffa and withdrew to Haifa, by a route which would avoid Baldwin. Baldwin went via Caesarea, Arsuf and Antipatris to Jaffa, warmly welcomed there as king by the Franks. He hurried on to Jerusalem, where all the Christians came to meet him, Greeks, Syrians and Franks, and conducted him to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. Only Daimbert the patrtiarch, alienated by the intrigues of Arnulf of Choques, had withdrawn for reading and prayer to the church of Mt Sion, and was not present to welcome Baldwin
Certainty: 3 Assumption of title of King of Jerusalem by Baldwin I. Baldwin arrived in Jerusalem from Edessa in mid-November. Three days later held an assembly in which he asked questions to discover the feudal and financial status quo of Jerusalem and then basically confirmed it. All present swore allegiance to him and put him gloriously on the throne
Certainty: 3 Baldwin made demonstrations outside Askalon, at the Dead Sea & near Hebron. Members of Baldwin's household wanted him to perform spectacular deeds to frighten surrounding peoples. He first marched on Askalon, fighting a battle with losses on both sides; then captured and executed cave-dwelling bandits near the Dead Sea, smoking out their wives and children; he finally explored a mountain area via Hebron, suffering lack of food and intense cold on the mountain-tops, finding deserted towns, devastating enemy areas, then returning to Jerusalem just before Christmas. Fulcher of Chartres' presence on the expedition is confirmed by anecdotes of personal experience
Certainty: 3 Coronation of Baldwin I in Bethlehem as King of Jerusalem . The patriarch Daimbert was reconciled to Baldwin I (and the canons of the Holy Sepulchre who supported him) by the time he returned from his first expedition. Once suitable regalia had been prepared, Daimbert crowned him king at Bethlehem on Christmas day. The title "king" was used, though it was not universally accepted. After Christmas Baldwin dispensed justice from the throne. The kingdom was small and had very limited forces. It was miraculous that its enemies did not band together and wipe it out
Certainty: 3 Tancred three times refused to face justice over his seizure of Haifa. As Baldwin sat in justice, Galdemar Carpinel claimed that Tancred was still keeping Haifa from him, though it had been given him by Godfrey of Bouillon himself and earned by military service. Baldwin three times patiently asked Tancred to come and reply, but he refused, not recognising Baldwin's status
Certainty: 1 Ioannes IV/V resigned as patriarch of Antioch, replaced by Bernard of Valence. Ioannes IV/V, orthodox patriarch of Antioch, was restored to his see after the capture of Antioch by the First Crusade; while he remained in the city, the canons demanded that no Latin rival should be consecrated. However after only two years, Ioannes realised that it was impractical for a Greek patriarch to rule Latins, and he withdrew voluntarily to Constantinople. He was replaced by Bernard of Valence
Certainty: 1 Purchase of a field outside Thessalonike by brothers Romanos, Leon & Konstas. The brothers Romanos, Leon and Konstas bought a field outside Thessalonike from Peirasmos
Certainty: 1 A property was offered to Kyrillos Phileotes by Konstantinos Choirosphaktes, but rejected. Konstantinos Choirosphaktes offered a property he owned near the monastery of Kyrillos Phileotes to the saint, to dispose of as he wished or sell in order to distribute the revenue to the poor for the salvation of his soul. But Kyrillos rejected the donation. He cited a divine warning he had received against the temptation of riches
Certainty: 1 Samuel Bourtzes bequeathed his property of Rouseou at Bryai to his two children. Samuel Bourtzes bequeathed to his children Nikephoros and Eudokia his proasteion of Rouseou at Bryai (Chalkidike), which would be passed on to Docheiariou
Certainty: 0 Confraternity of Thebes: signatures of current members. Nearly fifty persons who seem to be current members signed the new copy of the typikon of the confraternity, more than half with the sign of the cross. Only a handful were women
Certainty: 1 Docheiariou acquired workshops on Sthlabomese in Kataphyge (Thesslonike). Pantoulphos the kouropalates donated to Docheiariou (on Athos) two workshops on Sthlabomese in the area of Kataphyge in Thessalonike. He also sold to the monastery more workshops in the same compound
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos thanked Gregorios Kamateros for an excellent appointment to the theme of Ohrid. Theophylaktos believed that Gregorios Kamateros had made an excellent appointment to the theme of Ohrid (perhaps Gregorios Pakourianos?). He congratulated and praised him
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos welcomed Gregorios Pakourianos to Ohrid, though he had not yet met him. Theophylaktos of Ohrid welcomed Gregorios Pakourianos to Ohrid, though he had not yet met him. He gave him preliminary advice on how to use his authority over men
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Michael ho tou Chalkedonos about an oratory built without permission. A monk at Kitzaba wanted to build an oratory, but the construction was forbidden by Theophylaktos of Ohrid. The monk then approached the patriarch Nikolaos and obtained a patriarchal stauropegion for the oratory, despite the objections of the archbishop of the autocephalous church. He therefore went ahead with the building, but Theophylaktos excommunicated him. Theophylaktos wrote to Constantinople, to the dignitary Michael ho tou Chalkedonos and Petros the deacon and chartopylax. He placed this case in the context of lay confiscation of material possessions of the church, which here seems to be extended to usurpation of the church's spiritual prerogatives. He asked his two correspondents to discuss the situation
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Ioannes, secretary of Georgios Palaiologos, about the village of Ekklesiai. Theophylaktos of Ohrid was still attempting to defend the village of Ekklesiai, the property of his church near the Vardar, from cruel tax assessments proposed by the praktor Iasites and his colleagues. He asked for the intervention of Georgios Palaiologos, by writing to his secretary, Ioannes
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos asked the sebastos Konstantinos Doukas to help Ekklesiai & its people. Theophylaktos of Ohrid was prevented by his health and the bad weather from making the journey to visit the sebastos Konstantinos Doukas. He therefore wrote to him, asking him to help Ekklesiai, his village in the area on the Vardar controlled by Konstantininos, and its inhabitants
Certainty: 0 Ecclesiastical events dated only by the patriarchate of Nikolaos III Grammatikos.
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos wrote to Bryennios, doux of Dyrrachion, together with a gift of fish. Theophylaktos of Ohrid sent a gift of fish, probably 100, to Bryennios, doux of Dyrrachion, with a conventional wish for a good life, despising the devil and helping the clergy
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos sent best wishes to an anonymous ecclesiastic, complaining of the praktor. Theophylaktos sent his best wishes to an unnamed ecclesiastic. As for himself, he complained about the praktor
Certainty: 0 Theophylaktos replied to questions from Demetrios on liturgical practices.
Certainty: 1 Extract from updated praktikon of Radolibos, preceding that of 1103.