Certainty: 2 Manuel made peace with the sebastokratorissa Eirene.
Certainty: 2 Condemnation of the preacher Niphon led to accusations against the patriarch Kosmas II. The preacher Niphon, who had been punished as a heretic under the patriarch Michael II, was rehabilitated under Michael's successor Kosmas II Attikos. Niphon gained greater freedom, spoke in meetings and in the streets, and circulated his teaching widely, and was said to openly deny the Hebrew God, with encouragement from the patriarch. Niphon had often eaten at Kosmas' table and slept under his roof. Despite this support, Niphon was again denounced to the emperor and imprisoned. Kosmas was amazed, but showed loyalty to Niphon, and asked to be imprisoned with him. The focus of the problem gradually shifted from the heretic monk to the simple-minded patriarch. Kosmas' opponents pointed out that the patriarch was very close to Manuel's suspect brother Isaakios, so open religious meetings could be portrayed as seditious plotting against the emperor. Manuel, being young and self-willed, was suspicious. There was a split in the church which Manuel had to face when he returned from the Ikonion campaign
Certainty: 3 Louis VII consulted an assembly at Etampes to discuss details of the Crusade. As Louis VII always consulted over important issues, he called his nobles to Etampes to discuss matters relevant to he Crusade. On the first day St Bernard reported that he had won Conrad III of Germany for the Crusade; then they all heard answers to the letters Louis had sent. On the second day, he discussed with his barons the route to be followed by the Crusade. They rejected the proposals made by the Normans of Sicily to follow a sea route, and decided to go through the Byzantine Empire. The Sicilian representatives of Roger II were very disappointed. On the third day choices were made about the regency of France in Louis' absence; Suger of St Denis accepted the charge, but William of Nevers did not, as he had vowed to enter a monastery. It was decided to leave in the middle of the year
Certainty: 3 A council in the Blachernai palace deposed the patriarch Kosmas II. Manuel I, after returning from Ikonion, asked bishops privately about the monk Niphon. Most told him the truth about Niphon's heretical views, while Kosmas II praised him. Manuel then asked the bishops formally: they condemned Niphon for impiety, while Kosmas still praised him. Some archbishops saw Kosmas consorting with Niphon, and asked the emperor to call a council. Kosmas was examined in a council presided over by Manuel in the Blachernai palace. There were nine lay officials present plus the emperor, and 33 senior prelates (as well as Kosmas). Manuel asked Kosmas about Niphon, and he replied that he was orthodox. Metropolitans condemned by Choniates as unrighteous seized on this, and the council decided it was enough proof, determining that Kosmas had the same beliefs as the Bogomil Niphon, and so should be deposed. After deposition, Kosmas looked round the council, and cursed the womb of the empress Eirene not to bear a male son. Then he excommunicated some of the imperial family and the council as imperial sycophants who had deposed him uncanonically. Stephanos Kontostephanos, Manuel's brother-in-law, was very angry at the curse, and rushed at Kosmas planning to punch him; but he stopped in time. Manuel, the rest of the family and other members of the council showed disapproval of Stephanos' impiety, though they too were furious at Kosmas. Kosmas told them to let Stephanos be, for he had not yet suffered his stony fate (a prophecy of his death). Manuel, probably conscience-stricken that Kosmas was a good and devout man badly treated, merely deposed him without further punishment, alleging as his only reason the deprivation of an heir
Certainty: 2 False accusation by "Hierotheos" & probably "Bagoas" against the deposed Kosmas II. "Hierotheos" and "Bagoas" were false names used in later documents for two of the harshest enemies of the deposed patriarch Kosmas II. So far from pitying him, as most did, they were not satisfied by his deposition, but tried to ensure that the judgement could never be overturned. Hierotheos smeared holy icons with honey and denounced Kosmas for defacing them with dung. This crude plan was detected and he was imprisoned. Bagoas, who had improved his villainous reputation by a hypocritical pretence to be devout and association with holy men, tried without success to support Hierotheos' accusation. He was then able to ensure that his life in prison was comfortable and his release swift. This created a presumption that he shared Hierotheos' guilt
Certainty: 2 March by Baldwin III & the army of Jeruslem to Bostra, to escort Altuntash home. Altuntash, Turkish ruler of Bostra and Salkhad, antagonised both Mujir al-Din the titular ruler of Damascus, and Mu'in al-Din Anar, the power behind his throne. He made a formal visit to Baldwin III and Melisende, with a large retinue, to say that if given suitable compensation, he was willing to hand over Bostra and Salkhad to the Christians. The plan was examined carefully and an agreement made, satisfactory to both sides, and it was decided to send heralds to assemble the army and take the True cross. Baldwin and all his barons were to meet at Tiberias to march to Bostra. The treaty between Anar and Fulk was still in place, so Baldwin wrote to Anar to explain the apparent violation. Anar sensibly summoned his allies before replying, accusing Baldwin of breaking the treaty by invading Damascus to support a rebel. He asked him to stop, offering to pay his expenses. Baldwin replied by explaining that Jerusalem intended no harm to Damascus, but felt obligated to Altuntash, who had left Bostra on their account; they wished just to return him to his city, then let events take their legal course. Bernard Vacher was one of the envoys who brought Anar's letter, which seemed likely to stop the expedition. But as news spread, Bernard was called a traitor, while Altuntash's offer was praised to the skies by irresponsible people. The irresponsible made the army leave, and they reached Cavea Roob, where they met large numbers of the enemy. That night, all would willingly have returned, but it was hard to move anywhere. They advanced, but progress was slow and exhausting, as they were thirsty among dead locusts. The army went on in grave danger to Deraa, as the enemy increased in number while effective Christian troops decreased. After four days' torment they reached water at Bostra. But they heard that Altuntash's wife had betrayed the town to the Turks. There was nothing for it but to return home
Certainty: 2 Desperate but successful struggle by Baldwin III & the army of Jerusalem to reach home. As the army left Bostra for home, Baldwin III refused to escape himself with the Cross, leaving the army in mortal peril, showing his character. The hardships of this journey were doubled, as there was now no hope of success. Mu'in al-Din Anar summoned Nur al-Din to help him attack them. Orders were given to carry all Christian dead and wounded with them, puzzling the Turks as to why, for all their efforts, no corpses were found. The enemy then burned bushes upwind of Baldwin's army. As the smoke and flame approached, the people begged Robert, bishop of Nazareth, for help: he raised the Cross and prayed, and at once the wind blew back towards the enemy. But as enemy attacks continued, Latin leaders realised that the army's endurance was at an end. Baldwin was persuaded to seek a truce from Anar at almost any price, provided the army escaped. He sent as envoy a Turkish speaker suspected of treachery on a previous mission. He claimed innocence, swearing that if guilty of the charges he should perish by a Turkish sword without returning; he condemned himself to death, for he was soon killed. Four Arab chieftains were prominent among the enemy, at first safe from retaliation becuse the Latins were absolutely forbidden from breaking ranks. But a Turk in the service of Altuntash knew no French and was ignorant of the rules. He rushed forward in grave danger, killed one of the chieftains and returned safely, breaking the enemy line on that side. The whole army wondered who he was: when they found he was a foreigner, they could praise him without punishing him. Baldwin refused an invitation from Anar to a meal at the dangerous defile of Cavea Roob, and from there the army was led by a mysterious guide, who reduced the journey time. They were soon home, able to rest. Baldwin restored the Cross to Jerusalem amid great joy
Certainty: 3 Departure of Conrad III from Ratisbon at Easter & passage through Hungary. Conrad III and his German army set out from Ratisbon at Easter, well in front of Louis VII and the French, who left St Denis around Whitsun. Conrad entered Hungary in great state, because the Hungarians were his enemies. He brought a large fleet, which was abandoned when he left the Danube. Boris, the Hungarian pretender, had written to Louis VII at Etampes. He now attempted to secure the favour of Conrad III as he approached Hungary, giving him generous gifts. However Conrad extorted much larger sums from the Hungarian kingdom to ignore him, and did not help him
Certainty: 2 Manuel's preparations against Ikonion were diverted by Mas'ud's concessions. Manuel I went to the Rhyndakos river ready to besiege and ravage Ikonion. However he was forestalled by an embassy from the sultan Mas'ud led by Sulayman, offering the return of Prakana and other Turkish gains. Manuel (thinking of the Second Crusade) accepted the terms and returned to the capital
Certainty: 3 Ceremonies of departure at Easteride & Whitsun in St Denis. To complete the blessing of the Second Crusade, Eugenius III went north to St Denis and celebrated Easter with full ceremony and huge congregations. Until the Feast of St Denis after Whitsun he put right some errors and then played a part in the handing of the Oriflamme to Louis VII. On the Feast itself Louis visited the monks, then humbly spent some time in the leper colony outside. After that he went and prostrated himself before Eugenius III, abbot Suger and the monks, being permitted to approach and kiss the relic of the saint. He requested the Oriflamme from the abbey before his whole family and court, and was given it in a hot and emotional ceremony, in which his mother and wife suffered badly. He then received symbols of a pilgrim and a blessing from the pope, and dined with the monks
Certainty: 3 Louis VII from St Denis to Worms. Before Louis VII left France, Suger of St Denis was joined in the regency of France by the archbishop of Rheims and Raoul the count of Vermandois and Valois, the latter to add a military dimension to the regency. Loius went to Verdun, then Metz, finding everything voluntarily submitting to him, though outside his own realm. At Metz he waited for his army, making regulations for the journey which other leaders did not follow. He sent ahead Alvisus, archbishop of Arras and Leo, abbot of St Bertin, to organise crossing of the Rhine at Worms. They succeeded in assembling a large fleet, dispensing with the need for a bridge. After crossing the Rhine by boat, he stopped at Worms to wait for Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, with his Normans and English, There was constant contact with the locals over buying food, but this caused a fracas with several pilgrim casualties. Fortunately a serious incident was avoided by cool heads on both sides. Alvisus of Arras found a boat, and with other barons persuaded the townspeople to resume commercial contacts and restore peace
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent ambassadors to Conrad III & his army as they passed the Hungarian border. The huge armies of crusaders were using Palestine, Kinnamos said, as a pretext to attack Byzantium. When Conrad III approached the Hungarian border of Byzantine lands , Manuel I sent Demetrios Makrembolites and Alexander of Gravina to ask them if their plans were peaceful: if so, they should confirm this on oath. His envoys met the crusader leaders in the tent of their doyen, Conrad III, and they confirmed with an oath their good intentions towards Byzantium, and their desire to go to Palestine against the Turks. Makrembolites spoke of the importance of keeping their oaths, and undertook, if they did so, to provide reasonable hospitality. When the envoys returned, Manuel continued to prepare stores of food on the roads, while readying his forces in case the crusade was not as peaceful as hoped
Certainty: 2 Manuel sent various envoys & commanders to regulate the crusaders & check their excesses. Manuel I was well aware of he dangers presented by the huge armies which were coming and their militaristic attitudes, especially the naval problem of Roger of Sicily. He therefore made sure that the armour and weapons of the Byzantine troops were all in order. He divided his men between the garrison of Constantinople and other forces sent to stop the crusaders turning off to plunder; but all was to be done in a peaceful and friendly way. He sent Michael Branas to provide necessities for the westerners at Nis, and Basileios Tzintziloukes and Michael Palaiologos to welcome them in the same way to Serdica (Sofia). Later he sent Prosouch to shadow the German army from around Adrianople, and Andronikos Opos in a vain attempt to get them to cross to Asia at Abydos. Prosouch and Basileios Goudelios Tzikandyles were to lie in ambush at Longoi, and report on the German army. They gave a negative verdict on their discipline, behaviour and likely military effectiveness. Manuel told Prosouch and Tzikandyles in scientific detail how to defeat such an army, if necessary; the occasion arose, and his plan worked, causing heavy losses
Certainty: 2 The clash of the Germans with the governor & people of Philippopolis. When the Crusaders had passed Serdica (Sofia) there were increasing complaints of bad behaviour. These king Conrad disregarded or ascribed to the folly of the mob. When they reached Philppopolis after a largely uneventful march, they were welcomed by Michael Italikos, who held Conrad speechless by his eloquence, and avoided problems, till a small grievance led to an armed clash and made Conrad very angry. This event may be one narrated by Odo of Deuil. A local juggler went into an inn outside Philippopolis where Germans were sitting, and after drinking for a time took out a charmed snake from his pocket, put it on a goblet and began to perform tricks; the Germans complained that he was trying to poison them and tore him to pieces. This murder caused a riot, so Michael came with men to calm it; but the drunken Germans saw their arrival as an attack, and drove them off violently; they were then driven back with heavy losses by the bows of local troops; the Germans finally burned everything outside the city walls. However Michael's tongue is said to have calmed the situation. Conrad III learned that his army was not invincible
Certainty: 2 Signs of German indiscipline (apart from Philippopolis, Adrianople, Philopation, Nikomedeia). The German army of Conrad III behaved unbearably even towards their French co-crusaders. In competition at a market with a French group which had gone ahead of the main French army, the Germans used their numbers to satisfy themselves before the French could begin, and even so picked a fight with them which was hard to stop. Conrad's men would often get drunk, lag behind the army and be killed. As their bodies remained unburied, German corpses became as great a health hazard to the following French as treacherous live Byzantines. German aggression was one reason for Greek mistrust of the French
Certainty: 2 Frederick of Swabia avenged an attack by Byzantine robbers at Adrianople. When the crusaders reached Adrianople, they kept to the route through the city set for them. But a rich German noble fell ill and had to be hospitalised with his possessions in a monastery. Some villainous Byzantines attacked the monastery and burned it down, killing all inside but gaining the money. Conrad sent Frederick of Swabia to exact revenge: the guilty were executed. Manuel I's commander on the spot, Prosouch, had been shadowing the crusaders at a distance, but now intervened with calming words and force where necessary to bring the situation under control [Choniates emphasises his words, Kinnamos the force]. The Germans learned greater respect for the locals
Certainty: 2 Louis VII at Ratisbon & the Byzantine ambassadors. Relieved by the departure of Conrad III, Manuel and the Byzantines now had to deal with Louis VII of France. Manuel sent Michael Palaiologos and Michael Branas to greet Louis as he crossed the Danube. They reached Ratisbon, where they had to wait several days before the arrival of a crusader delegation sent from Worms, consisting of Alvisus, archbishop of Arras, Leo, abbot of St Bertin and Batholomew the chancellor. Louis himself attived later. The French (in Odo of Deuil) claim to have met two ambassadors, Demetrios and Mauros. They brought letters beginning with flattering verbiage which offended Godfrey of Langres. They made two demands for the passage of the crusaders, first that they not capture any town belonging to the Byzantines, second that they freely restore to the emperor any place they captured which had recently belonged to him. The council of Louis VII assented to the first, but not to the second, with seemed unfair in not recognising their efforts and imprecise in the absence of geographical definitions. Delays led to menaces that Manuel might destroy all the food collected and threaten the crusade with starvation. The crisis of the second issue was glossed over by more general mutual guarantees, and postponed for discussion in Constantinople. The Byzantine ambassadors were reported (by Kinnamos) to have been welcomed by the king with gratitude and without excessive pride. At the end of negotiations (according to Odo), Demetrios disappeared abruptly, but Mauros stayed to conduct a French embassy to the capital
Certainty: 2 An embassy from Louis VII at Ratisbon was conducted to Constantinople. The letters delivered from Manuel I to Louis VII at Ratisbon proposed that Louis send a delegation to Constantinople, to be conducted by the Byzantine ambassador Mauros. Alvisus, bishop of Arras, Bartholomew the chancellor and Archibald, count of Bourbon are mentioned as envoys at this time. Everard of Breteuil, Manasses of Bulles, Anselm, seneschal of Flanders and Everard of Barres are indicated later as being their colleagues, during a struggle with Pechenegs. There may have been others
Certainty: 2 The itinerary of Louis VII's journey to Constantinople. For the benefit of future pilgrims, Odo of Deuil set out Louis VII's itinerary in a schematic way, with an indication of the time required for sections of the journey. Metz - Worms (3 days), - Wurzburg (3 days), - Ratisbon (Regensburg) (3 days), - Passau (3 days), - Klosterneuburg (5 days), - Hungarian border (1 day), Hungary (15 days) - Belgrade, - Brandiz, (1 day) - Nis (4 days), - Hesternis (Sofia) (4 days), - Philippopolis (4 days), - Adrianople (4 days), - Constantinople (5 days). [The journey times have been regarded as impossibly short, perhaps reflecting Odo's predictions for an ideal crusading army]
Certainty: 2 Defensive preparations made at Constantinople in advance of the arrival of the crusaders. Manuel I repaired the walls and seems to have covered them with bright fabrics. The main image used is that of New Rome as an aged female, in need of renovatio from Manuel, involving cosmetics, bridal clothes etc.
Certainty: 2 Louis VII & the Hungarian pretender Boris. Boris the Hungarian pretender had written to Louis VII at Etampes explaining his claim on the throne of Hungary, but had failed to gain support from Conrad III. Boris now, with the help of two nobles in the French army, attached himself to the French as they began their march through Hungary. Meanwhile Geza II welcomed Louis to Hungary, but stayed beyond the Danube, begging Louis to cross to meet him. Louis graciously did so with an escort, and the two embraced, exchanged gifts and established conditions for the passage of the crusade. But soon after Geza discovered that Boris was with the French army. He at once sent men to rewrite the treaty to make Louis give Boris up, and they looked for him in the French camp, making him run away. He fled half-naked, and tried to steal a horse; when he was brought as a thief before Louis, the king with difficulty (through problems of language) established who he was. Louis held a council, facing a difficult decision: on one side, Boris's individual rights, on the other, those of their new ally Geza. After some discussion, they kept the status quo, pleasing Boris but not Geza
Certainty: 2 The French met the Byzantines: Odo of Deuil documented Greek treachery. During the advance of Louis VII beyond Hungary into Byzantine lands, Odo convicted the Greeks of many breaches of faith, e.g. falsifying the exchange rate and letting food down in baskets rather than offering the promised market. It was unsure how far this was justified by German (and even French) attacks. Other Greek tricks he described included trying to send both Germans and French via the Dardanelles, giving a false guide, making some Frenchmen in the capital cross the straits with the Germans, attacking others (sometimes with godless Pechenegs), allying with the Turks, making false promises and insisting on heretical practices
Certainty: 2 Secret desires & plans of Conrad III. According to the rhetor Manganeios Prodromos, Conrad III had a secret plan to attack Constantinople and put a Latin on the patriarchal throne. He described Conrad's thoughts in the first person. Manganeios attacked him via comparisons with many Old Testament villains
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes after a dream suggested that Manuel make full use of the Cumans. Tzetzes wrote to Manuel I suggesting that he ally himself with the cavalry of the Scyths [probably Cumans rather than Pechenegs.] The advice was based on a dream, which he related. He spent a sleepless night from mosquitoes, then fell into a fitful sleep. He dreamed he met the goldsmith Basileios in the market of Leo Makellos. This almost illiterate man was reading the Skythika of Dexippos near the shop of the perfumer Stratonikos Kondos. Then Tzetzes added extra unexpected details to the dream, and by torutous arguments concluded that the message of the dream was advice to he emperor to ally himself with the Cuman cavalry [humour surely plays a part here, though the Second Crusade was imminent]
Certainty: 2 Fighting between Egyptians & al-Afdal Ridwan.
Certainty: 2 Louis VII well treated as the French crusaders passed through Serdica. As the army proceeded, Louis VII was always well received by Greek priests. But when he passed through Serdica, the doux, an imperial relative, was also very attentive, staying near him and ministering to his needs. Thus he kept the townspeople safe and also the pilgrims comfortable. Louis shared the generosity of the doux with his army, rich and poor
Certainty: 2 Conrad suffered major losses in a flood at Choirobakchoi, but remained intransigent. Conrad III and his men camped and went to sleep at Choirobakchoi by the little stream Melas. In the night there was a rainstorm and the Melas turned into a raging torrent, sweeping away many German knights, horses, weapons, supplies and possessions of all kinds, though his army remained huge. This was seen by some Byzantines as a splendid miracle of the Theotokos. After these losses he was rather chastened by helplessness before the wrath of God and puzzled that even the elements supported his enemies. He grieved and became a little less proud. After the flood he was consoled by aristocrats sent by Manuel I, and was invited to discussions. His request that Manuel himself come out to meet him was ignored
Certainty: 3 Death of Alvisus, arcbishop of Arras; the mourning of the French army. Alvisus, arcbishop of Arras, had been sent ahead as one of the envoys to Constantinople, but at Philippopolis he succumbed to a long illness and died. He asked his colleagues, since he would be no longer with them on the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin, to sing the service for him in advance, and they did so. The ceremonies for his death were repeated by Louis VII and the French army when they reached Philippopolis
Certainty: 2 Conrad damaged the Philopation, but realised the City was impregnable & crossed to Pikridion. Conrad III as he approached the City with increasing despair, came to the beautiful hunting lodge of the Philopation, burst in and destroyed most of it, under the eyes of Manuel I, whose palace (Blachernai) had a good view in that direction. From there Conrad saw that the city was impregnable, then crossed the bridge above the Golden Horn and camped at Pikridion. The Byzantines were amazed to see female crusaders riding astride, especially the specaciular "Chrysopous".
Certainty: 2 Second Crusade travelled to Constantinople & was well managed by Manuel I (general factoids). [William of Tyre oversimplified his version by treating Conrad III and Louis VII with a single narrative, till they crossed to Asia. Some details are inaccurate for one or both sovreigns.] Conrad and Louis set out separately. They traversed Bavaria, crossed the Danube at Ratisbon, were well received in Hungary, passed through Bulgaria, went via Philippopolis and Adrianople in Thrace, and reached the capital. There they had a friendly discussion with Manuel I, rested for a time after their long journeys, crossed the Hellespont into Asia and camped at Chalcedon, opposite Constantinople
Certainty: 2 Mas'ud of Ikonion, terrified by reports of the crusade, tried to prepare for its arrival. Mas'ud of Ikonion was extremely alarmed by reports of the massive size of the armies of Conrad III and Louis IX, which were magnified still further by rumours. He felt in danger of losing his realm, so he refortified his cities and rebuilt his castles. He sought aid from everywhere to maximise the possibility of defence
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes reassured the wife of the megas hetaireiarches that Constantinople was very strong. Ioannes Tzetzes wrote to reassure the wife of the megas hetairarches that the city of Constantinople was very strong. He stressed the importance of its walls, and declared that the history of the city showed a succession of emperors who each contributed to the urban fabric and its protection. To judge from the letter, his correspondent was nervous about the approach of the armies of the Second Crusade, the circulation of gloomy prophecies and an ominous dream
Certainty: 2 Roger II of Sicily raided Central Greece during the Second Crusade. While the disruption caused by the Second Crusade was at its height, Roger II of Sicily made a destructive raid on central Greece. Greek sources are uncertain whether his was planned with Conrad III or independently. Revenge for the failure of Roger's project to secure a Byzantine bride for his son may have played a role. [The fuller narrative of Choniates has been preferred here to that of Kinnamos, at the few points where they diverge.] The Sicilian admiral went first to Kerkyra, where he exploited dissatisfaction with the exactions of Gymnos, who (as governor or tax collector) collected taxes in a demanding and overbearing way. The admiral thus talked his way into the city without fighting, introducing a garrison of a thousand knights; the citizens exchanged one burden for something worse. Having garrisoned Kerkyra and strengthened the walls, he sailed to Monemvasia, but was beaten off. He returned past Malea, attacking places large and small, outside then inside the Gulf of Corinth. Later he moved overland to storm Thebes, extorting money and goods, making citizens swear to lists of their wealth, taking prisoners, male and female, and loading his warships like merchantmen. Finding no opposition, he sailed to Corinth, and soon took Akrokorinthos, as its commander Nikephoros Chalouphes failed to defend a very strong position. Again he plundered everything, including an icon of St Theodoros Stratelates, took noble prisoners, and sailed low in the water to Kerkyra. Thus after the crusaders left the city for Asia, Manuel I had to recover territory and punish aggression
Certainty: 2 After a Byzantine victory in a skirmish, Conrad was induced to cross to Asia. Conrad III's stay at Pikridion showed typical barbarian mood-swings. His aggressive behaviour was interpreted by some as an attack on the capital, but he was eventually pushed to cross to Damalis by Manuel's Cuman troops. He first sent an aggressive letter demanding the imperial dromon to cross the strait; when Manuel I replied in a derisive way he crossed on a wretched little rowing-boat. In fact the numbers needing to cross were so great that every boat, of every size and kind, had to be commandeered. Conrad was remanded to restore conquered lands to Byzantium. Manuel and the Byzantines breathed a sigh of relief at his departure. Manganeios Prodromos regarded this as a great victory won with the aid of the Theotokos, an almost bloodless victory very different from the bloody battles around Nicaea. It completed the victories over westerners begun by Alexios during the First Crusade and continued by Ioannes II at Antioch
Certainty: 2 Refusal of French advance party to follow the Germans. Three crusading leaders, the brothers Stephanos, bishop of Metz, and Renaud, count of Moncon, together with Henry, bishop of Toul, arrived in Contantinople around the same time as Conrad III. However they could not bear the Germans, and so they decided, with their considerable army, to wait for Louis VII. This was not permitted by Manuel I and the Byzantines, whose agreement with Conrad III stipulated that none of his men should remain behind. They forced them, by harrying them and cutting off food, to cross the straits. A tense situation was defused by the ambassadors of Louis VII, who were waiting for him in the capital. They intervened to arrange that Stephanos, Renaud, Henry and their men should wait beyond the straits, with a suitable market
Certainty: 2 Other early French arrivals fought Byzantine troops, so as to stay near the capital. Manuel I and the Byzantines tried to move on with Conrad III French groups arrivingSearly in the capital, using Pecheneg and Cuman troops, whose perceived paganism caused offence. Some Frenchmen organised a defensive position and resisted heroically, despite lack of provisions. When negotiations broke down, they resisted again. Manuel's decisions caused angry reactions from the envoys of Louis VII: some (like Everard of Breteuil, Manasses of Bulles and Anselm, seneschal of Flanders) fought with the French protesters, others (like Everard of Barres, Bartholomaios, Louis' chancellor and Archibald of Bourbon protested violently on their behalf. Finally he ordered the beleaguered Frenchmen to camp, with a market, immediately under his eyes at the foot of Blachernai; the French suspected that this was the only way he could control his pagan steppe-nomad troops
Certainty: 2 Losses sustained by William de Warenne & Godfrey, archbishop of Langres. Among the iniquities of the Byzantines during the march of Louis VII to Constantinople was their aggression towards small French detachments: both William de Warenne and Godfrey, archbishop of Langres, and others, sent forces forward to prepare for arrival at the capital, but neither force was strong enough to survive. Both suffered losses of men and material
Certainty: 2 Conrad refused Manuel's offer of alliance, but accepted gifts & guides & left (Kinnamos). Manuel bribed some of the army of Conrad III to cause trouble and humiliate him. Conrad requested a guide, and Manuel sent Stephanos the akolouthos, who also delivered a proposal for an alliance against the Turks, which was rejected. Manuel gave Conrad some swift horses, which he soon lost
Certainty: 2 Division in the army of Conrad III: Otto of Freisingen took the coast road. At Nikomedeia Conrad III's forces were faced by three alternative roads: the direct route via Ikonion, the coastal route and an intermediate way. Conrad took the direct route with the most powerful part of the army; his brother, Otto of Freisingen, went via the coast road with the rest of the army. Odo of Deuil (and others) speak of a disagreement
Certainty: 2 Louis VII approached Constantinople. Louis VII, like Conrad III before him, had to resist firm Byzantine pressure to cross at the Dardanelles rather than the Bosporos. Unlike Conrad, as he approached the city, he sent to offer full co-operation. There was some correspondence between the empress Eirene and queen Eleanor of Aquitaine. There was a party in the French army that wanted Louis to capture the city, in collaboration with Roger II, who was boldly attacking the area of Greece. To the later disappointment of Odo of Deuil (on behalf of all of the Latin faith), he refused to listen. A day's journey from Constantinople, he met his own ambassadors, and was fully briefed about recent events there
Certainty: 3 Louis was royally entertained by the Byzantines & his men well fed. Louis VII was welcomed to Constantinople by a large number of dignitaries, clerical and lay, who insistently invited him to an audience in the palace with Manuel I. He agreed (apparently not without condescension), entered with a few companions, and was given a low sellion near the imperial throne. The two rulers, equal in age and stature but not in clothing and manners, held a good discussion through an interpeter. Manuel's manner was gracious and graceful, but in French eyes would prove insincere. After the interview in the palace Louis was lodged at the Philopation and was guided by Manuel I around the holy places in the capital, then invited to a sumptuous and beautiful dinner. Many feared for his safety, but he had complete faith in God's providence. While he remained outside Constantinople, waiting for those who had chosen the route via Italy, his men were offered an adequate market from a ship, with a rate of exchange which was acceptable, but did not last for long after they left the capital. On the feast of St Denis, which occurred while Louis was outside Constantinople, the emperor Manuel (who also celebrated it and understood its significance for Louis) sent a group of priestly chanters to the French army; they made an excellent impression with their decorated tapers and varied voices
Certainty: 2 Vandalism & anti-Byzantine sentiment in the French army outside Constantinople. Odo of Deuil suspected the complete submissiveness of Byzantine behaviour while Louis VII was in Constantinople, believing they would not have been so servile without ulterior motives. He stigmatised apparent kindness as showing up Byzantine falsity, in view of later events. But Odo also accepted that French burning of houses and olive trees was a provocation, especially when it was pointless, drunken vandalism. Louis tried to restrain his men from such acts by exemplary mutilations, but was unwilling to punish enough of his troops in this brutal way to keep the peace. The leader of anti-Byzantine sentiment was Godfey, bishop of Langres, who was supported by Odo in his text. Godfrey declared that the French should attack the City. He stressed the weakness of its defences and defenders, its dominant position in the empire (obviating the need for other fighting), and its rulers' purely nominal Christianity, shown in attacks on Antioch. He said that Ioannes II captured Antiochene cities, replacing Catholic bishops by heretics. Instead of uniting Christians, he tried to destroy them with aid from infidels, so died from a minor wound; Manuel I kept Ioannes' gains and hoped for more, exacting homage from Raymond of Poitiers and choosing a rival patriarch. Others suggested legal reasons for these actions, and said that a crusade should not enrich itself by attacking Christians - an action which would place the crusaders outside the definition of the crusade made by Eugenius III and put his indulgencies in doubt. But Godfrey would (in Odo's view) have carried the day if the Byzantines had not tricked them
Certainty: 2 Byzantine trickery made Louis VII cross the straits to Asia. Manuel I and his men wished to transport Louis VII and his army over to Asia, but did not dare urge them directly. They therefore reduced the amount of food in the market, though they continued to provide some. They also spread false rumours of German successes: that Conrad and his army had killed 18,000 Turks, had captured Ikonion and written offering to return it to Byzantine hands. Louis' men were envious of the glory and booty the Germans must have acquired, and forced their own king to make the crossing. Manuel swiftly assembled a considerable fleet for the purpose, thus showing the strength of his desire to have the French cross. After waiting for five days on the European side, Louis waited a further five on the Asiatic side, suffering Byzantine treachery. [Rumours of Conrad's success appear at a different point in William of Tyre, when Louis was already in Asia, in the context of treacherous behaviour by guides provided for Conrad by Manuel.]
Certainty: 2 The French & the Byzantine money-changers. Buying of food and changing of money took place on ships, where the money-changers' tables were full of cash and objects in precious metals often sold by crusaders in exchange for Byzantine currency. A Flemish robber saw this, and was inflamed by greed for the wealth on display. With like-minded men, he seized objects of value and began a riot, forcing the Byzantine money-changers to flee for their lives, taking with them on the ships some crusaders who were bargaining for necessities. These were manhandled in revenge. Louis faced a complete breakdown in the provision of food. He demanded the guilty Fleming from the Count of Flanders, received him and hung him on the spot in full view of the City. He then had to deal with the money-changers and the captured crusaders. He demanded the return of everything stolen from the Byzantines, promising to pardon those who complied and hang those who did not. To avoid scaring the thieves, he asked for things to be returned to the bishop of Langres. The next day the money-changers returned, and received all they swore they had lost, Louis himself making up the shortfall. He sent envoys to Manuel I, Arnulf of Lisieux and Bartholomaios the Chancellor, to ask for the return of the captured crusaders and the renewal of a market. Arnulf and Bartholomaios went early to Manuel's palace, but were not seen that day, receiving neither food nor beds. In an audience the next day they found Manuel much less tractable than previously. Arnulf spoke with enough eloquence to persuade anyone but the poisonous snake Manuel had become, and succeeded in part: a market (albeit a scanty one) was provided, redress discussed for pilgrims who had lost possessions, and further meetings planned. But Arnulf had to leave as he was faint through lack of food
Certainty: 2 Near Dorylaion German indiscipline led to defeat by a small Turkish force (Kinnamos). Mamplanes, a local Turkish commander, was encouraged by letters from Manuel I to attack the German army near Bathys in the area of Dorylaion. He used a small force to test their strength and discipline, pretending flight. The Germans pursued them till exhaustion, showing their military incompetence, and many were killed. Conrad lost the fast horses Manuel had given him, and was nearly captured
Certainty: 2 The disastrous defeat of Conrad III (Odo of Deuil). The Germans faced three possible routes from Nicaea to Antioch: the short, dangerous road via Ikonion, the long, tortuous coast road, and a compromise route, later followed by Louis VII. The Germans divided: the warlike majority went with Conrad on the Ikonion road, while the baggage train was led around the coast by his brother Otto, bishop of Freising. Odo of Deuil lays the blame on the guide provided by Manuel I (Stephanos the akolouthos?) [it is noteworthy that texts more dependent on Conrad himself do not accuse the Byzantines]. The guide told the Germans to equip themselves at Nicaea with provisions for eight days, when more food was needed, so that they became hungry, and then were led further astray. Having deliberately lost the Germans in the mountains, it was alleged, and exhausted them by hunger, the guide left the army in the night and called large Turkish forces. In the morning the Germans could not find him, but saw that surrounding peaks were occupied by Turks. After this betrayal, Conrad and his council had to choose between two bad alternatives, to go forward or retreat. To advance seemed to mean certain death, to retreat gave hope of safety with some dishonour, and they reluctantly chose the second, hard-pressed by hunger. Only the men of Bernard, count of Plotzkau, had weapons and strength to protect the German army and allow an orderly retreat; but people wasted energy and time in looking for food, and the Turks became bolder. One evening the army crossed a mountain while Bernard was still helping the weak on the other side; thus isolated, he was surrounded and killed. After this, the Germans were much more exposed to Turkish attacks, and no point in the army was safe from their arrows; Conrad himself was twice wounded, and losses were very heavy, before they reached Nicaea
Certainty: 2 The disastrous defeat of Conrad III (William of Tyre). Conrad farewelled Manuel I and advanced to Nikomedeia, then on the shortest route to Ikonion. Mas'ud, sultan of Ikonion, had sent emergency demands for help all over the east, and assembled an army at Ikonion with which he could face the crusaders. As he left, Conrad asked Manuel for expert guides, but they proved untrustworthy. They suggested that the army use a short cut through country offering no food, carrying provisions with them for a fixed number of days, and the Germans complied. But whether on Manuel's orders or bribed by the Turks, they led the Germans not towards the fertile area of Ikonion, but into a wilderness exposed to Turkish attack. After the set number of days, food was scarce and they had not reached their goal. Conrad interrogated the guides before his nobles. They lied that they would arrive in three days; Conrad believed them. Next morning, the guides had vanished, thus openly confessing guilt. They went to tell the French army nearby that Conrad had been successful, either wanting to stop the French coming to help him, or to save themselves from punishment for misleading him. When Conrad realised he no longer had guides, there was dissension whether to go forward or back. They had no more food or fodder, and a large Turkish army appeared, as planned, it was said, by Manuel I, who distrusted all westerners, especially Germans, for usurping the imperial title. Conrad's army was hungry, lost, exhausted, on difficult roads, with few fit horses and heavy baggage. The Turks, with none of these problems, won a great victory. Though the Germans were better man-for-man, they were crushed by Turkish mobility, killed or captured, and only a tenth of the army escaped to Nicaea with Conrad. It was not Mas'ud, but Paramuni, another general, who won this victory. The Turks, having destroyed the larger crusading army, now waited for the smaller, that of Louis VII
Certainty: 2 Louis VII accepted a Byzantine alliance & departed. Before negotiations began for a treaty, there was for some days a dispute over the venue, forcing the French to eat food set apart for the journey. Manuel wanted discussions in the palace, Louis insisted on a more neutral Asian venue, or perhaps a ship. Manuel revealed his terms: a kinswoman of Louis was to marry one of his nephews, and Louis' barons were to pay homage to Manuel. Manuel offered guides, markets where he could, and allowed plundering where there was no market, if plundered towns were returned empty to him; he also promised rich presents. Further delays were caused by the arrival of Amadeus, count of Maurienne, William III of Montferrat and William, count of Auvergne and others, who had come via Italy. The Byzantines, contrary to usual practice, did not hurry the new arrivals to cross to Asia. Therefore major French nobles plundered nearby areas for food to take on the journey, and bought a boat to enlarge the market and greet the latecomers. Robert, count of Perche, saved his kinswoman from marriage by abducting her and taking her to Nikomedeia, also avoiding the payment of homage. Manuel's terms were discussed by the French barons and bishops. Nobody liked the idea of homage to Manuel, Godfrey of Langres calling it an insult to Louis and asking again for an attack on the capital. His opponents, who were in the majority, spoke of the multiple allegiances common among French barons and insisted on peace among Christians. When the latecomers were shipped over, Louis ordered the army to move. This spurred Manuel to arrange discussions in a fort near the sea, protected by the Byzantine fleet. Louis was annoyed at the delay and the demand for homage from his barons, but turned back with the flower of his army and agreed to Byzantine terms, anxious to promote the Crusade. The terms had changed little: Louis should capture no places owned by Manuel, Manuel should send guides who would provide a market wherever possible, and otherwise allow plunder (plundered places to be left vacant). Homage from the French barons was met with imperial gifts
Certainty: 3 Significance of the treaty - & of an eclipse of the sun. Manuel I, in making the treaty with Louis VII, tried to recruit him as an ally against Roger II of Sicily, who was attacking the area of Greece. Manuel failed, perhaps because of the anti-Byzantine faction in the French army, which wanted an alliance with Roger to attack the capital. Manuel stopped the market for the French after a few days and did not send guides promised in the treaty. As Louis was still catching up with his army (on October 26), after signing the treaty, there was a partial eclipse of the sun, which some in the French army interpreted as harm done to their king. In fact it signified another misdeed of Manuel's, since he had allegedly removed guides from Conrad III at a crucial moment, leading to a terrible massacre of his men. The eclipse was partial since it referred only to half of the Crusade, as Louis was still boldly advancing
Certainty: 2 The French army reached Nikomedeia, Nicaea & Lopadion, meeting German survivors. The first Frenchman mentioned at Nikomedia was Robert, count of Perche, who went there to avoid the terms of the treaty with Manuel I. When Odo of Deuil arrived, he saw evidence in the ruins of the city of the former glory of Byzantium and the inertia of current Byzantines. When the French reached the Lake of Nicaea they heard from messengers that Conrad III had reached Nicaea in retreat, the remnants of his army starving and in despair. Many died before they reached Constantinople, since the Byzantines exploited their weakness. The kings of the Poles and Czechs were also present. Frederick, duke of Swabia was the first to bring the news to Louis and organise a meeting. Conrad himself heard that Louis was near Nicaea, and hastened to meet him, gaining sympathy, encouragement and some material aid. It was decided that Conrad was to regroup and buy food, then rejoin Louis, who waited at Lopadion for their journey to continue. But the exhausted German army could not defend itself from exploitation and even violence from local people, and so Conrad had to ask for a French force to bury his dead and preserve his men to Lopadion. Ivo of Nesle, constable and count of Soissons, was able to perform this task; without him, the Germans might have been wiped out. When Conrad reached Lopadion, he camped near Louis and made him a speech with Stephanos, bishop of Metz, as interpreter. Conrad frankly acknowledged his exhaustion and military helplessness, blaming his own former lack of humility, not the Byzantines, and asking for Louis' aid, which he arranged to give. He chose French counts and bishops to associate with the Germans to stiffen their strength and morale, among them Amadeus of Maurienne, William of Montferrat, Stephanos, bishop of Metz and Renaud of Moncon. He also arranged for Conrad to be lodged together with himself
Certainty: 2 Prompted by Odo of Deuil, Louis VII reminded Conrad III of problems in Germany. Before the combined armies of Louis VII and Conrad III reached Esseron (Achyraus?), Odo of Deuil reminded Louis that Conrad and Frederick of Swabia were harming St Denis by retaining Esslingen (Swabia) and the castle of Estusin (Alsace). Pope Eugenius III had talked of excommunication in the case at Easter. Louis undertook the task with enthusiasm. He asked them first in private then in public; Conrad's reply was first ambiguous, in the hope that Louis would soon tire, but the emperor was later forced to a refusal. Odo made a report to Suger of St Denis irrelevant to his narrative: Louis, for whom Suger should pray, had been doing the work of St Denis even in Anatolia
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote three times with advice to Ioannes Triphyles in Thessalonike. Tzetzes wrote three letters to Ioannes Tripyles, who had gone to live and work in Thessalonike, and was having difficulty in adapting to his new surroundings and a demanding job. The first letter addressed him with Homeric quotations, and advised him to exploit the situation to his advantage rather than feeling trapped by it. The second thanked Triphyles for sending his charming father to the capital with a book, and asked him to greet for him some common friends in Thessalonike: Theodoros, Eustratios and the nephew of Konstantinos, metropolitan of Thessalonike. The third letter merely encouraged Triphyles to write to him
Certainty: 2 Tzetzes wrote three very brief letters to anonymous persons. He told the father of a silly child to make him more sensible, if he was worthy of the name of father. He told a slanderer that he saw everything but himself. He accused a pedantic critic of his writing of thinking his own errors were the work of genius
Certainty: 2 Praise of Manuel for defeating leaders of the Second Crusade. The arrival of the Second Crusade at Constantinople is often described as an attack, especially on the part of Conrad III, who is much more prominent in Byzantine texts that Louis VII. The attack was splendidly beaten off by Manuel I, almost without bloodshed, in contrast to the bloody battles around Ikonion in 1146
Certainty: 2 Nikolaos Mouzalon was promoted patriarch. Nikolaos IV Mouzalon was chosen as patriarch at a time of great troubles in the church [because of the alleged Bogomilism of his predecesor]; there was a new dawn in the patriarchate. But very soon he was attacked as ineligible, as having given up priesthood 37 years before as he resigned the see of Cyprus. Other sources claim hat when he abdicated from Cyprus it was only the administration of the see he gave up, not the office of archbishop or the priesthood
Certainty: 2 Otto of Freisingen near Laodikeia on the Lykos. As the army of Otto of Freisingen passed Laodikeia on the Lykos, it lost one of its bravest commanders, the count Bernard, in circumstances resembling the recent death of Bernard, count of Plotzkau. The Byzantine military commander of Laodikeia, who should have led count Bernard to safety from the mountains, led him straight into a Turkish ambush, where he and most of his men were killed. The Byzantine shared the spoils with the Turks
Certainty: 2 Louis VII & Conrad III advanced down the coast, spending Christmas near Ephesos. A discussion arose whether the combined army should go directly to Philadelphia (a brief journey but with few supplies), or should follow a more coastal route, where food would be more plentiful. Conrad spoke of the enervating effect of hunger, and supported the latter. Louis was persuaded by his plea to choose the longer coast road, with more food. The first coastal section (to Adramyttion) involved climbing, fording streams and the loss of baggage animals, enriching the local people. It continued to cross mountains and swift torrents in deep, dangerous channels. There were ruined cities and others with new fortifications, from which they obtained food, but not enough, because of crusader insolence and profiteering Byzantines who could almost charge what they liked. His military strength was little help against walled cities on the coast with ships. Many pilgrims left the crusade on shipboard or stayed to serve local Byzantines. Louis was told that he was fortunate, despite his troubles, because more rain might have made the route totally impassable. They reached Pergamon, Smyrna and Ephesos, with the tomb of Hagios Ioannes; he there received letters from Manuel I, warning of a great mobilisation of Turks, and advising him to take refuge in Byzantine castles. He refused, and received other letters listing French crimes and threatening reprisals. He did not deign to reply, but went to spend Christmas in the valley of Decervion near Ephesos. There, on Christmas Eve, they repelled a surprise attack on their horses by Turks guided by Byzantines. they spent a pleasant Christmas, but under heavy rain. Guy, count of Ponthieu, died of disease and was buried in the porch of the church
Certainty: 2 Conrad III decided to return from Ephesos to Constantinople. As the comined German and French crusader armies moved south Kinnamos reports increasing friction. The French abused the Germans with the cry "Budge, German". Conrad III wrote to Manuel I revealing his plan to return. [Kinnamos is probably wrong in saying that he wrote from Philadelphia, for Odo of Deuil describes a coastal journey.] He may have been motivated by shame, because of his reduced state, or by French arrogance. Manuel, no longer fearing Conrad, maybe wishing to keep the kings divided, wrote to him as to a relation and fellow-Christian who had fallen on hard times, offering help. Conrad returned from Ephesos to Constantinople for the winter, and was honourably received